Mečíř was able to extend the IAB beyond its core in Slavic Europe, obtaining support from the National Peasants' Party in Greater Romania; as an ideologue, Milan Hodža introduced the Green International to European federalism.

[4] Heim earned pledges of support from throughout Central and Eastern Europe; his project therefore superseded a rival attempt by the Farmers' League (BdL) in Sudetenland to form a Pan-German "Congress of Peasants".

[8] Other early efforts to organize peasant representatives into an international lobby were carried by the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union (BZNS), whose leader, Aleksandar Stamboliyski, was the then-Prime Minister of Bulgaria.

[7] As argued by the writing duo known as Marius-Ary Leblond, European socialists, their prestige greatly damaged by the Russian Revolution, were no longer able to exercise any influence over the peasant movement and "coalesce [it] against Capital."

"[17] Historian Bianca Valota Cavallotti believes that the Greens could have been natural allies of the Second International, but also notes that they developed their movement in poorly industrialized countries, where social democracy had no pull.

As noted by journalist Paul Gentizon, these events were intimately related to Stamboliyski's vision of peasant internationalism, since this implied containing old rivalries between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, while overshadowing the agenda of Macedonian Bulgarians.

"[27] By 1924, groups situated on the BZNS' left had formed a tactical alliance with the Krestintern, preparing another ill-fated insurgency against Bulgarian dictator Aleksandar Tsankov; in May 1926, they adhered to the Moscow International, but kept the matter secret, so that the party would not be split apart.

During this period, Iuliu Maniu, who became Prime Minister of Romania, proceeded to champion a Danubian Federation, and put effort into creating the rudiments of a Central European single market.

[47] Cooperatist doctrinaire G. D. H. Cole similarly argues that Stamboliyski's removal "was the end of the Green International as a serious factor in European affairs and therewith of the peasant revolutionism which, in its Russian manifestation, the Bolsheviks had already subdued to their centralising, industrialist control.

[51] In addition, Hodža viewed agrarianism as subsumed to his own take on the Danubian Federation, explaining in 1928: "For the past eight years, I've been searching for a collaborative element for the countries of Central Europe, one that would result in stable equilibrium; I believe to have found it in peasant democracy.

[53] However, the notion of Slavic unity was not entirely dropped from IAB statutes, with Švehla declaring that Slavs, as naturally predisposed farmers, were selected to preach a "gospel of land" during a time when, as he saw it, both socialism and liberalism were in crisis.

[60] In addition to all its other original members, the IAB was able to obtain allegiance from the HSS, as well as from the Dutch PB and the Romanian PNȚ;[22] Piast was eventually replaced by its successor, the Polish People's Party (SL).

Explicit in its praise of Eastern European agrarianism,[64] it was criticized by left-wing journalist Guy Le Normand as inauthentic and makeshift: "Founded by some slick and dodgy 'intellectuals' [...] who knew how to cleverly exploit a desire of the 'Green International', which was to set up a chapter in France".

This project was quickly vetoed from within by M. Kochubei, who underscored ideological incompatibilities: the USKhD viewed itself as anti-intellectualist, anti-democratic, and corporatist, dismissing the Green International as an intelligentsia movement which "[does] not have a sense of homeland".

[71] The Second IAB Congress was held at Prague on May 23–May 25, 1929, but officially reunited only delegates from Austria, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Finland, France, Latvia, Romania, and Switzerland; these unanimously reconfirmed Švehla as Chairman.

[72] A RSZML cadre, Karel Viškovský, spoke during the IAB proceedings to reassure the audience that agrarians still believed in class collaboration; by contrast, the BdL's Franz Spina took the rostrum to note that "peasant parties" stood for a "pure community of economic interests", replacing the nationalist allegiances of past decades.

[76] Historians Eduard Kubů and Jiří Šouša view the reincarnated IAB as not fully measuring up to its mission: "the scope its action did not exceed the area of professional consolidation and information exchange.

"[77] According to French syndicalist Émile Guillaumin, the old Green International continued to exist in Prague in 1932, having established "branches in Nordic and Danubian countries, as well as in Switzerland"; PAPF was its westernmost member,[78] as well as that region's "most active".

[73] As noted by economist Paul Bastid, the regulation of wheat prices, as advocated by the IAB and the Bloc of Agrarian Counties, was detrimental to the interest of French peasants, who needed to "calmly analyze" their international commitments.

[81] In December of the following year, a piece in Corriere della Sera alleged that a continental conspiracy, comprising both the Red and Green Internationals, was set out to destroy Italy, and, through it, "the order of Europe".

Green activists recorded the fascization of some peasant parties, describing the Lapua Movement as incompatible with its agenda, and restated that the IAB remained equally opposed to Nazism and Bolshevism.

[91] The group had formed the Front paysan with the conservative Union nationale des syndicats agricoles and the militant Comités de Défense Paysanne, and PAPF's more moderate members left in the 1936 party congress.

[93] After years of tacit collaboration with the Romanian left,[94] the PNȚ also dealt a serious blow to the development of democracy by sealing a pact with the fascist Iron Guard ahead of national elections in 1937.

[73] The notion of a Green International centered on anti-fascist policies was embraced in 1939 by the HSS' Vladko Maček, who proposed that such an "agrarian autarky", if properly armed by Britain and France, could function as a bulwark against Nazi Germany.

This initiative produced in July 1942 an International Agrarian Conference, overseen by Chatham House, during which delegates formally pledged themselves to the Atlantic Charter, while restating support for cooperative farming and introducing calls for a planned economy.

[112] In that context, Maček openly argued that the Eastern-Bloc peasantry was not just a separate social class, but in fact a singular "people", whose values (including traditionalism and religiosity) made it stand apart from all other components of society, while largely distinguishing them from Western counterparts.

[122] Despite being ideologically linked to Eastern European agrarianism, IPU leaders maintained a working relationship with France's National Centre of Independents and Peasants, as well as with Italy's Christian Democracy and Coldiretti, and established contacts in Latin America, as well as in South and East Asia.

Both were made to confess that they had left Austria voluntarily, as they "grew disgusted of serving the National Bulgarian Committee, a propaganda organ of the United States, and the 'Green International', which is also subsidized from American coffers.

[140] Mikołajczyk took on the mission of reminding Westerners about historical issues that the Soviet government had either obscured or denied, including the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and the Katyn massacre, while Nagy popularized "totalitarianism" as an umbrella term for both fascism and communism.

[151] Scholar Fabien Conord notes of the IAB (which "historians commonly designate [as] the 'Green International'"): "The color does not in fact show up on the organization's bulletin, whose successive editors never make a point of using the term 'green' in their discourse".