Although Arabia soon became a politically peripheral region as the focus shifted to the more developed conquered lands,[17] Mecca and Medina remained the spiritually most important places in the Muslim world.
[24] In 1824, a much smaller second "Saudi state", located mainly in Nejd, was established in 1824, but by 1891 its Al Saud rulers were driven into exile in Kuwait.
He gained the support of the Ikhwan, a tribal army inspired by Wahhabism and led by Sultan ibn Bijad and Faisal Al-Dawish, which had grown quickly after its foundation in 1912.
At the urging of the government and after vigorous debate, religious authorities allowed the use of paper money in 1951, abolished slavery in 1962, permitted the education of females in 1964, and use of television in 1965.
[36] The militants involved were in part angered by what they considered to be the corruption and un-Islamic nature of the Saudi government, proclaimed the return of the Mahdi.
[38] In response, the royal family enforced much stricter observances of traditional religious and social norms in the country and gave the Ulema a greater role in government.
[41][42] The ulema's powers and financial support were strengthened[39] in particular, they were given greater control over the education system[36] and allowed to enforce stricter observance of Wahhabi rules of moral and social behaviour.
[47] Islamist terrorist activity increased dramatically in 2003, with the Riyadh compound bombings and other attacks, which prompted the government to take much more stringent action against terrorism.
[53] Unlike most Muslim countries, Saudi Arabia gives the ulema direct involvement in government, and fields a specifically "religious" police force, called the Haia.
In "return for allowing it control of the mosques, culture, and education", the ulema or religious establishment "would never go near core political issues, such as royal succession, foreign policy, and the armed forces."
The ulema have also been a key influence in major government decisions,[59] have a significant role in the judicial and education systems[60] and a monopoly of authority in the sphere of religious and social morals.
[citation needed] Public observance of non-Islamic religious holidays is prohibited, with the exception of 23 September, which commemorates the unification of the kingdom.
[68] The death penalty can be imposed for a wide range of offences[69] including murder, rape, armed robbery, repeated drug use, apostasy,[70] adultery,[45]: 304 witchcraft and sorcery[71] and can be carried out by beheading with a sword,[70] stoning or firing squad,[45] followed by crucifixion.
[citation needed] The formerly powerful religious police, who busied themselves enforcing strict rules on everything from hijab (which in Saudi Arabia meant covering all of the body except the hands and eyes), segregation of the sexes, and daily prayer attendance;[77] to preventing the sale of dogs and cats,[78] Barbie dolls,[79] Pokémon,[80] and Valentine's Day gifts,[81] are now banned "from pursuing, questioning, asking for identification, arresting and detaining anyone suspected of a crime".
Fatwas (legal rulings on points of Islamic law), he says "should be based on the time, place and mindset in which they are issued", rather than regarded as immutable.
But those sayings of the Prophet (called Hadith), he explained, do not all have equal value as sources of law,[88]According to Chiara Pellegrino, MBS specified that in the Kingdom "a punishment must be applied only in the presence of a clear Qur'anic stipulation or a mutawātir hadīth," i.e., a saying of the Prophet of Islam, transmitted over the centuries through an uninterrupted and numerically significant chain of transmitters.
[90]Wood estimates that this will mean "about 95 percent" of traditional Islamic law is "chuck[ed] into the sandpit of Saudi history", and leave MbS free to use his discretion "to determine what is in the interest of the Muslim community."
Unlike most countries, Saudi "does not have any penal and civil code" and "judges rule on the basis of Islamic jurisprudence with a high level of discretion in some contexts".
[88] According to David Ottaway of the Wilson Center, MbS has sidelined Saudi Arabia's Wahhabi scholars and preachers "who still command millions of followers in the country and beyond", and this presents a "particularly risky" move.
[89] Journalist Graeme Wood who traveled in Saudi Arabia and interviewed MbS, noted that Salman al-Ouda, "a preacher with a massive following", appears to have originally been imprisoned for expressing the relatively benign hope that MbS and the ruler of Qatar (Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani), reconcile—"May God harmonize between their hearts, for the good of their people."
[88] Many conservative clerics strongly appear to have taken heed, succumbing to "good old-fashioned intimidation", reversing their religious positions and supporting the government line on issues such as "the opening of cinemas and mass layoffs of Wahhabi imams".
[5] The southwest region of Asir is known for its followers of a local leader, Idris, revered by many as a Sufi saint, a concept which Wahhbism opposes.
[93][94] Two critics of Wahhabism (Ali Al-Ahmed and Stephen Schwartz), also give a relatively high estimate of the non-Wahhabi population of Saudi Arabia—over 60%.
Twelvers are predominantly represented by the Baharna community living in the Eastern Province, with the largest concentrations in Qatif, and half the population in al-Hasa.
From the time of embarking on the journey to make the Hajj, pilgrims often experience a spirit of exaltation and excitement; the meeting of so many Muslims of all races, cultures, and stations in life in harmony and equality moves many people deeply.
The Ministry of Pilgrimage Affairs and Religious Trusts handles the immense logistical and administrative problems generated by such a huge international gathering.
The incident resulted from the panic that erupted in the overcrowded and inadequately ventilated tunnel, and further fueled Iranian claims that the Saudis did not deserve to be in sole charge of the holy places.
The religious establishment in Saudi Arabia, led by the Al ash-Sheikh, which influences almost every aspect of social life, is deeply involved in politics.
Similar questions of legitimacy will arise in coming months, with the kingdom's religious, political and perhaps military leaderships becoming the focal points for increasingly intense criticism.
That Al Al-Sheikh answered the question about government influence over fatwas so openly is a clear indicator that the public has growing concerns about the legitimacy of religious leaders.