July 1822 Spanish coup d'état

As Juan Francisco Fuentes has pointed out, "it was the most serious attempt of absolutist coup d'état, which not in vain had its epicenter in the Royal Palace of Madrid", although it had numerous ramifications outside the capital, which demonstrates "the existence of a relatively broad and mature plan".

[4] The definitive project of the coup, according to La Parra, was devised in the entourage of Fernando VII and its specific plan was taken from the "Conspiracy of Matías Vinuesa" of the previous year.

The king consulted with the government of the moderate liberal "anillero" Francisco Martínez de la Rosa, whose members spent most of the time in the Royal Palace as virtual prisoners (and there were orders prepared for their imprisonment), and the latter advised against it because it was too risky.

[15] The following month, believing that Prince Carlos was going to lead the uprising, the Carabineers Brigade rebelled in Castro del Río, which on July 1 was to be dissolved in compliance with a decree of the Cortes of May 19.

[12][18] The Marquis of Miraflores wrote in his Apuntes histórico-críticos (1834) that on the eve of the "Day of July 7" "Spain [offered] the horrible spectacle of a bloody civil war".

[21] Then an altercation took place which resulted in the death of a member of the National Militia and the liberal lieutenant of the Royal Guard Mamerto Landaburu murdered by his comrades in the courtyard of the palace (in his honor the Landaburian patriotic society would be founded).

[22][20][23] The lieutenant had confronted them, reproaching them for their behavior (they had expelled the National Militia that was in charge of the security of the area and had cordoned off the perimeter of the Palace) and their cheers in favor of the absolute king.

In such a situation, Mamerto Landaburu, 1st lieutenant of the Royal Guard Infantry Regiment, known for his liberal ideas, tried to impose order on his subordinates, who responded with insults.

[21] Faced with these events, the City Council of Madrid took the initiative, which would be joined by the Permanent Deputation of Cortes, mobilizing the National Militia and demanding that the Government punish those guilty of the murders and disorders.

[2][29][25][30] The Marquis of Miraflores affirmed in his Apuntes histórico-críticos (1834) that Madrid "was an encampment", with its center in the Plaza de la Constitución defended by the Militia and by some artillery pieces.

Do they expect that the inhabitants of the capital, its brave garrison, its valiant militia, and so many brave and determined patriots, who at this moment are with arms in hand, determined to die for the constitution, will be humbled by receiving the law from a handful of undisciplined soldiers?Following the "Vinuesa's plan", the king had called to the Palace the Government led by the moderate liberal "anillero" Francisco Martínez de la Rosa with the pretext of looking for a solution to the crisis and its members considered themselves obliged to go.

[33] The Government, locked up there, did not declare in rebellion the battalions of the Royal Guard that had left for El Pardo, not considering them a threat, and limited itself to ordering their transfer, without being obeyed.

[25][29] Meanwhile, Ferdinand VII had sent on July 2 a letter to Louis XVIII in which he asked him to intervene: "I beg your Majesty to consider the state of my dangerous situation and my royal family so that without loss of time sufficient help may come as best it can to save us".

Martínez de la Rosa was aware of these discussions (while waiting for the option of reforming the Constitution introduced by his plan of Chambers to triumph), but finally the second alternative prevailed after consulting the Council of State, which ruled that it was not possible to immediately reform the Constitution —previously Fernando VII had tried to get the Council of State to endorse the coup d'état by restoring his absolute powers prior to the revolution of 1820—.

[25][29][45] "July 7 became a heroic day for the memory of liberalism, through the construction of a story in virtue of which the people of Madrid had defeated absolutism and saved the Constitution", said Álvaro París Martín.

The following day, El Universal published that "the anniversary of July 7, 1822 will be celebrated by our descendants" as proof that "there is no human force that can resist the will of a great people that has resolved to die or live free".

The protagonism was in the militia, which agglutinated in its three battalions from the proletarianized layers of the Madrid population to the aristocrats and bankers of the cavalry squadron, including middle strata such as employees and small landowners".

[48] Álvaro París Martín disagrees with this view, pointing out, first, that the "paisanaje did not have any participation" in the combats against the Royal Guard —he recognizes that "on July 7 there were armed citizen parties that fought together with the three battalions of the militia", "but none of the available sources suggests an uprising of popular character"—, and secondly, that the percentages of the participation of the day laborers and artisans in the militia estimated by Pérez Garzón were much lower —"the representation of the lower sectors of the labor universe in Madrid was limited", affirms París Martín—.

[49] Alberto Gil Novales has also pointed out that if, in spite of the support he had ("the King and the royal family, the Government, the high hierarchies of the army and the Church, the palaces, etc.")

[54] As Juan Francisco Fuentes has pointed out, "the failure of the coup d'état of July 7, 1822 marks a before and after in the history of the Liberal Triennium: after that day, power passed from the moderates to the exalted.

[55] Gil Novales agrees: "for the absolutists and their more or less shameful allies, the failure of the Siete de Julio (7th of July) forced them to resort to foreign invasion".

[25] "Ferdinand VII was the first to realize this," said Emilio La Parra López, who pointed out that on July 7 the foreign ambassadors threatened the Spanish Government by means of a note in which "in the most formal manner" they warned "that the relations of Spain with the whole of Europe will depend on the conduct observed with respect to H.M.C.

[56] During the coup both the City Council of Madrid and the Permanent Deputation had addressed the King so that he would fulfill his constitutional role, even threatening him with the appointment of a Regency.

Once the attempted absolutist coup d'état had failed, the two institutions again insisted that the constitutional path be followed, as well as demanding the punishment of the guilty, the purge of the Palace servants —the High Steward and the commander of the guard were dismissed— and the appointment of a new government.

And when the Spaniards believed that the disillusionment, the contrast with the experience of the past, would make the idolized Monarch, cautious, prudent and virtuous with his subjects, they finally see a series of machinations against the most just of all political systems, which are no longer doubt forged or are recast in a palace that should be like the ark of the testament to keep it intact and inviolable.

[...] And this troop, the Royal Guard is the same that is used to declare civil war and proclaim despotism, and to put an end to the remains of this wretched nation that has suffered so much for love of your Majesty and for your unexpected ingratitude!

During the military meal that followed, the new political chief Juan Palarea gave a speech in homage "to those who defended their freedom in the squares and streets of this capital".