[2][3] As of June 2010, along with Gennady Onishchenko, he holds 90-91 places in the top hundred leading politicians of Russia, according to Nezavisimaya Gazeta.

In early 1996, PRB Soyuz was one of the eight largest Russian advertising agencies at that time[11] (the other seven include APR-media, Znak, Ivan - Press, Korporatsia-Ya, Maxima, Solidarity Publisher, and Unis.

Kostin, as head of PRB Soyuz, commented on the creation of the cartel in the following words:[11] We are pleased to have been included in the group of agencies that had been offered accreditation.

The new advertising policy of Kommersant, and Daily in particular, has all prerequisites for bringing order to the market of print advertising.Kostin organized public relations support for many of the regional electoral campaigns in Russia and Ukraine.

[14] However, there is another interpretation of the events:[15] At the end of the election campaign of 2003, Kostin almost kicked out Baranov, who offered, for a small monthly fee in foreign currency, “placement” of “black PR” on the official website of the Communist Party against the Communist Party itself.In June 2005, Izvestia newspaper published “Letter of 50,” the address of workers of culture, science and public figures in connection with the conviction of former heads of Yukos, that condemned attempts to politicize the Yukos case.

In 2005, the leader of the oppositional National Bolshevik Party Eduard Limonov spoke of the PRB as of “the most cynical and the most pro-Kremlin PR agency.”[17] Vlast’ magazine described Soyuz in the following words:[18] Each of Surkov’s deputies [ ...] has a small office that formally has nothing to do with the government structures and is not funded by the state [...] Kostin (Konstantin Kostin, deputy head of the CEC United Russia.

[8] In 1999, structures affiliated with Yevtushenkov sent Kostin to the election headquarters of the electoral bloc Otechestvo, where he conducted public relations activities.

[8] In May 2005, the Bureau of the General Council of United Russia, on the recommendation of Surkov,[19] has approved Kostin's candidacy for the position of deputy chairman of the CEC of the Party, responsible for PR.

[21] In 2007, Kostin was accused by the Israeli press in pursuit of (in particular, organization of interception of private conversations) political emigrant Leonid Nevzlin, the second person in Yukos structures before the arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky.

[23][24] In June 2008, Konstantin Kostin replaced Alexei Chesnakov as deputy managing internal politics of the presidential administration of Russia.

[6][25] The opposition political analyst Vladimir Pribylovsky gave the following assessment of the appointment:[26] Chesnakov patronized the most blatant methods of processing of public opinion and pressure on the opposition, and Kostin, in this sense, was a bit softer.Among other things, Kostin worked with the regional political elite[27] and oversaw a number of media outlets, including networks.

[31] In May 2012, Konstantin Kostin resigned from his position in the Russian Presidential Administration, and founded a non-governmental organisation of which he became Chairman - Civil society development foundation.

Konstantin Kostin describes the Foundation's defining ethos as being the intention to study the history and sociology of the mood of protest in society.

[5] In the aforementioned interview with Profile magazine, Olga described her first meeting with her future husband:[5] My first impression of Konstantin was quite mixed.