The political crisis caused by his assassination, barely two months after the Geneva Agreements which prepared to restore peace in Indochina, contributed to bring down the current neutralist government (pro-French) which was replaced by a progressive one (pro-American) in extremely tense atmosphere of the Cold War between Russia and the United States.

From 1955 indeed, the political history of this small landlocked country fell trapped inexorably in the ideological confrontation between the capitalist United States and the communist Soviet Union, annihilating any hope of national unification.

Several expeditions later,[n 1] the King Oun Kham (ເຈົ້າອຸ່ນຄຳ) of Luang Prabang (ຫລວງພຣະບາງ), whose Kingdom was victim of neighboring countries covetousness attempting conquests (Siam, Myanmar, China) and at the same time divided by succession crisis, requested protection to France in 1887, accordingly to the explorer Auguste Pavie's advice.

When his parents separated, he was adopted as infant by Nang Kiengkham (ນາງກຽງຄຳ), his mother's older sister, married to Thao Taan Voravong,[4] who was, at the time, interpreter at the « Résidence de France ».

He obtained the « certificat d'études primaires complémentaire indochinois » - Certificate of Indochinese Additional Primary Studies - (CEPCI)[n 8] in 1930, went afterward to Vientiane and began his first-secondary-school year at the Collège[n 9] Auguste Pavie.

When the Resident of France in office[n 12] discovered that the young boy who stood up to him, was the son of Thao Taan Voravong, surprised by his educational background and particularly by his French language skills, he recruited him as private secretary (samien).

Kou Voravong supported a progressive autonomy encouraged by France, and he was opposed to the nationalist movement Lao-Issara (ລາວອິດສລະ[n 14])[6][7] founded by the Viceroy Chao[n 5] Phetsarath Rattanavongsa (ເຈົ້າເພັດຊະຣາດ ຣັດຕະນະວົງສາ), whose objective was to combat the colonial power and to proclaim the independence of Laos at the end of the war.

Appointed Governor (Chao Khoueng) of Vientiane Province since late 1945, Kou Voravong created a civic guard[n 17] and directed the political and military struggle of Monarchists from the occupied capital, facing the Lao Issara, Chinese and Việt Minh who took control of the major cities of the country.

When relative peace was back in 1946, French Colonial Government whose country hardly recovered from the devastation of World War II, began at the same time to confront some first claims of Vietnamese nationalist movement led by Ho Chi Minh, agreed to lead Laos to progressive autonomy.

[11] Earlier, in November, 1941, while he was Vientiane Governor's assistant, in the article « Speech to youth », published in the journal « Indochine »,[n 22] he claimed a larger autonomy for Laotian officials, the departure of Vietnamese executives,[n 23] the end of feudal system, the limitation of the Indo-Chinese Federation's competence and more democracy.

[5][16] July 19, France Government admitted for Laos the principle of independence under the Crown of King Sisavang Vong of Luang Prabang within the Indo-Chinese Federation by an agreement between the French President Vincent Auriol and the Laotian Prime Minister, Chao Boun Oum (ເຈົ້າບຸນອຸ້ມ).

[9] Facilitated by the gradual retreat of French neutralist hegemony, this situation left more and more place for pro-American liberal partisans and militarized socialist movements supported by Việt Minh in the Laotian political life.

From 1951 to 1953, the central government of Laos – a nation under construction – experienced a period of « relative peace », while Indochina War has been raging since 1946, without anyone among the leaders noticing the problems and the political consequences of the progressive and continuous infiltration of the revolutionary guerrillas along the borders.

Even if it was politically developing, this 237 000 km2 small landlocked mountainous country, with long and heavily forested borders[n 25] which was difficult to control, populated by numerous ethnic groups,[n 26] where the communication routes were, most of the time, rivers and primitive tracks through the tropical jungle, remained severely sub-administered.

[n 27] Its leaders, gathered in major cities, preoccupied by rivalries of privileged clans,[n 28] mined by corruption, demagoguery and personal interests, did not have any control over distant regions, where ethnic minorities problems[n 29] expanded.

The villagers considered themselves neglected by the Monarchy and appreciated more and more revolutionary speech of the Pathet Lao's (ປະເທດລາວ[n 30]) Communist cells, founded by Chao Souphanouvong, since his return from exile in 1950, particularly in northern provinces as Houaphan (ຫົວພັນ) and Phongsali (ຜົ້ງສາລີ), which have a common border with North Viet Nam.

[13] Being himself behind the creation of the National police force in 1949 and consequently very attentive to its development, Kou Voravong imposed on its direction, colonel Jean Deuve, a man of experiment,[n 31] who he could fully trust, for having fought side-by-side four years ago against the Japanese and the Lao Issara troops.

In 1949–1950's, the main threats from foreign countries were essentially activities of organizations located in Thailand and in Vietnam, but also from Chinese border, now occupied by Mao Zedong's Revolutionary Army, supporting their Việt Minh brothers-in-arms against the imperialist enemies.

[24] But military tensions at the borders becoming increasingly strong, the 4th, new royal Government appointed on November 21, 1951 and chaired by the neutralist Chao Souvanna Phouma, called on his veteran's experiences to direct the ministry of National Defense.

A garrison assigned under the command of General Henri Navarre – whose mission was to prevent any Việt Minh infiltration to Laos – was implanted in a strategic area, in West Tonkin, close to the Laotian border, where were some important runways connecting Luang Prabang to Diên Biên Phu Basin.

But May 7, 1954, French soldiers suffered a bitter military setback and Diên Biên Phu's entrenched camp fell into the hands of the People's Army of Vietnam, commanded by General Võ Nguyên Giáp.

This was particularly true for the U.S. government which refused to sign and to apply the Geneva Agreements, considering that they handed a too large victory to the Indochinese Liberation Movements, headed by the Việt Minh, and supported by China and the Soviet Union.

The defense minister Kou Voravong, supporter of strict application of the Geneva Agreements on the principle of neutrality prohibiting any military alliance, declined the protection of his country by the SEATO and refused to ratify the treaty, thereby blocking the American policy of containment towards the Communist expansion in Asia.

Imprisoned since 1950, he escaped in 1954 and with Mi -his partner in crime- joined a band of bandits established in Isan region, northeast Thailand, whose leader named Bounkong (ບຸນກອງ), a veteran Lao Issara and faithful follower of Chao Phetsarath.

The Prime Minister's choice fell on the progressive Katay Don Sasorith to the detriment of his neutralist opponent Chao Souvanna Phouma, considered « far too leftist » by Americans who, recently, took over French in Lao political circles.

To justify their intervention, the Americans referred to the "Domino theory" that if Vietnam fell into the hands of the Communists, neighboring countries would follow, earned by the contagion or assaulted by military forces from Hanoi.

[n 43][37] The Hanoi Government undertook since the end of the 1950s, to support the guerrillas to infiltrate South Viet Nam by constructing a logistical network underground in the border region inside Laos, later known as Ho Chi Minh Trail.

Early in 1950, when Bounkong and his band engaged in violent anti-government campaigns in the South of the country, Kou Voravong created the "Pacification of Southern Laos Mission" to combat internal subversion and border piracy.

But the bandits would take advantage of the naivety of the young lieutenant to carry out during several months, acts of banditry, spying and intense anti-government guerrillas, by using the pass, material and funds provided by the chief himself.

In 1989, the collapse of the communist Eastern Bloc – symbolized by the Berlin Wall's fall – allowed gradually Laos to enter the market economy, which then provided the opportunity for the Voravong children to approach the LPDR authorities for the return to the country of their father's statue.