[1] A 2000 poll conducted by the Arab-language weekly Kul Al-Arab in Umm Al-Fahm found that an 83% majority opposed having their town transferred to Palestinian rule, with only 11% in favor.
For those that believe that the ideal solution to the Israel-Arab conflict would be greater separation between Jews and Arabs, this plan would certainly achieve such a goal.
[10] Demographically, the plan creates two states which are more ethnically homogeneous, and likely would achieve the political goals of both the Palestinian and Israeli leadership.
The Israeli precedent was exemplified in 1979 when Israel agreed to transfer the Sinai Desert in exchange for peace with Egypt.
[13] Timothy Waters writes that the plan, contrary to many arguments, is not an example of ethnic cleansing nor apartheid since it does not move any Arab from their land.
He points to the expulsion of black Senegalese from Mauritania, the stripping of northern Muslims of their citizenship by Côte d'Ivoire and the denationalization of Germans from Czechoslovakia (whose legality, he says, was later upheld in courts).
[15] Waters also argues that, while the transfer of Israeli Arabs to a Palestinian state would harm their interests (e.g. reduction in standard of life), it doesn't violate any of their human rights.
Waters bases this on the argument that the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, constitute occupied territory.
[19] While the plan would not require them to leave their homes, Arabs in Israel argue that they are native to the region and insist that as Israeli citizens, they deserve equal rights within the state, and should not be singled out by ethnic or religious background.
Various polls show that Arabs in Israel in general do not wish to move to the West Bank or Gaza if a Palestinian state is created there.
Jewish critics sympathetic to the idea of exchanging populated territories have argued that it would be preferable to do this as part of a comprehensive peace agreement.
They point out that while Arabs under the plan would still be allowed to retain Israeli citizenship if they take an oath of allegiance, no reciprocal possibility exists.
[20] Haaretz has argued that the plan "is nothing but polite packaging that does not succeed in concealing its real aspiration: delegitimizing all the Arab citizens of Israel".
[21] Daniel Gordis wrote that the plan's implementation would be highly demoralizing to those Arabs who would not be removed and might give them the sense that Israel does not want them.
[23] Another concern is that Israeli zones within the West Bank would be subject to security threats, putting the IDF at high risk to defend them.