At the turn of the century the Jesuits were clearly sympathizing with Ramón Nocedal and his Integrist vision of religion and Traditionalism; it is likely that his Villafranca years affected Fal Conde accordingly.

[39] Militant Catholicism of Manuel Sánchez de Castro is likely to have contributed further on, forming the young Fal Conde as an energetic Catholic activist, possibly along the intransigent and ultra-reactionary Integrist lines.

[40] Fal Conde commenced his public assignments during his academic years in Seville; he joined Asociación Escolar Sevillana and soon grew to be its president;[41] the organization remained a fairly typical student group, though politically it tended towards "catolicismo político y social", flavored by Traditionalism in general and by pro-German World War I stand in particular.

When discussing his post-1931 activity, present-day scholars almost unanimously refer to him as to a former Integrist[46] or even more explicitly as to "antiguo militante del Partido Integrista",[47] though none provides detailed information on his engagement in any party initiatives of the 1920s.

[54] Fal Conde witnessed emergence of militantly secular Republic with horror;[55] he personally led local Juventud organization trying to protect the Seville churches against violence which erupted in May 1931.

[89] New affiliated formations were created: urban proletariat was lured to Agrupación Gremial, a Carlist red cross organization emerged as Socorro Blanco and a grouping for younger boys was established as Pelayos.

[93] The change meant vast improvement in terms of steerability,[94] provided critical mass and enhanced homogeneity,[95] though also enforced discipline and laid command of all structures in hands of Fal and his entourage, removing dependence on local juntas and especially on the Vasco-Navarros.

[98] Nevertheless, remodeled Comunión was fully able to bear the weight of rapidly expanding ranks; instead of inefficient isolated circulos where zeal of new converts was evaporating, new structures channeled and reinforced enthusiasm.

[100] Comunión began to expand into unlikely areas both geographically and socially; structures were emerging in such regions as Extremadura or the Canaries, while following the example of Western Andalusia, representatives of urban proletariat started to appear in local bodies also elsewhere.

His vision was already set on violent overthrow of the Republic; starting 1935 openly belligerent language became increasingly common at Carlist rallies, with references to sacrifice, blood, arms, violence and power.

[127] Though at that point Fal Conde considered dismissing the entire Navarrese junta,[128] he decided not to risk open confrontation; Rodezno and his entourage outmaneuvered him and elicited hesitant approval from the royal envoy, Don Javier.

[129] Upon the outbreak of hostilities[130] Fal Conde headed the new Carlist wartime executive, Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra,[131] and had to acknowledge that instead of being equal partner, Carlism was getting reduced to a junior role.

[136] As Requeté units, the key Carlist argument, unconditionally left at generals’ disposal were dispersed among various fronts,[137] Carlism – in line with Fal Conde's worst nightmares – was indeed getting dominated by its alliance partners.

[163] He eventually abandoned silence in favor of direct counter-action, suggesting to Don Javier that all those accepting seats in the FET executive be expelled; the regent acted on his advice.

[165] Upon return from exile[166] and under security surveillance, Fal Conde tried to avert takeover of Comunión assets by FET;[167] many years later he admitted that these efforts had been largely fruitless.

[175] Written with all due respect, the document claimed that the emerging regime was not sustainable and argued in favor of traditionalist monarchy; as transitory means it suggested a regency, either this of Don Javier or a collective one, alluding to Franco as its member.

[176] Though sounding more like an offer, the document, together with other texts disseminated around that time,[177] is viewed by some scholars as a milestone marking total breakup with the regime and adoption of a decisive opposition strategy.

[186] Corresponding with regional leaders,[187] in 1940-41 Fal Conde went on reconstructing Comunión structures either in traditional shape[188] or in a new format;[189] official party executive existed only in a makeshift mode.

[199] In August 1945 Fal Conde addressed Franco with a conciliatory personal letter; sort of acknowledging Falangist regime, but presenting Traditionalism as the unique long-term solution, he asked for release from confinement.

[215] They were enraged by Fal Conde's recommendation to support Ley de Sucesión in referendum, considering it unacceptable backing of the regime,[216] and demanded that a new Carlist king is declared.

[218] Though in 1948 Consejo de la Tradición confirmed non-collaborationist strategy,[219] in 1949 some voices called for a more active stance, especially following news of Franco's negotiations with Don Juan.

Intending to broaden the party's room for maneuvering, he permitted individual Carlists[222] to run in local elections,[223] especially that in some provinces the movement effectively competed for power with Falange.

[230] As Don Javier soon backtracked on the so-called Acto de Barcelona and Franco's regime showed no signs of cracking, the non-collaborative policy of the Falcondistas was increasingly looking like a dead end street.

[238] Following his resignation Fal Conde took a step back from daily politics[239] and functioned as honorary member, sporadically invited to sittings of Carlist executive as late as 1964.

[255] When in 1968 the Borbón-Parmas were expulsed from Spain, Fal Conde resisted their repeated requests to meet Franco seeking reversal of the decision and responded that he had no reason to pay a penitent visit to the dictator.

Despite mounting doubts, he did not join those turned against the dynasty, like Zamanillo or Elias de Tejada;[257] when in 1970 the prince ordered termination of collaboration with El Pensamiento Navarro, re-claimed by orthodox Traditionalists, Fal complied.

Followers of Don Carlos Hugo presented Fal Conde focusing on his loyalty to Borbón-Parmas and on his anti-Francoism, attempting to mount him in their overall vision of Carlism as a popular class struggle.

[273] Traditionalists, including Fal Conde's sons, reclaimed him as fervent Catholic and a conservative who guarded genuine Carlist orthodoxy against Francoism but has also never approved of the socialist turn of the Huguistas.

[275] Fal Conde started to figure prominently in historiography in the 1990s, and until today there have been numerous articles published in specialized reviews, dedicated either to particular episodes or to certain dimensions of his activity.

[281] Fal Conde is usually not acclaimed as a theorist; some students tend to view him as an inflexible doctrinaire,[282] those who do not underline his Integrist, holistic vision of politics and religion.