[13] In 1901 he was listed among juzgados municipales, noted as fiscal in Sant Gervasi de Cassoles;[14] in the early 20th century he acted as defense attorney[15] and specialized in civil law.

[24] Their son, José María Junyent Quintana (1901–1982),[25] already in the 1930s was a locally known Carlist politician;[26] he briefly served in the Barcelona ayuntamiento in the 1940s,[27] but he made his name mostly as periodsta[28] and partially as a writer,[29] assuming distinguished positions in the Catalan press corps of the 1950s.

[30] The younger daughter María de Montserrat Junyent Quintana (1905–1985) married Juan Baptista Roca Caball, a well-known Catalan Christian-democratic politician of late Francoism.

[35] The young Miguel already during his academic period was active in conservative organizations; in 1891 he acted as secretary of Junta Directiva del Asociación de San Luis Gonzaga[36] and engaged in the Barcelona branch of Juventud Carlista, growing to its vice-treasurer prior to 1894.

In 1903 its president duque de Solferino[40] appointed Junyent the new director of El Correo;[41] the caretaker manager Salvador Morales was nominated editor-in-chief but he served briefly and departed for Madrid shortly.

[44] Initially his political stand did not differ very much from the orthodox party line, exalting Catholic religion and hailing Traditionalist values[45] though also lambasting Jewish conspiracy[46] and masonic designs.

[58] Junyent himself became one of Traditionalist tycoons in the region[59] and entered the nationwide political scene; though in the Carlist Cortes minority, he continued also as member of Comité Directivo of Solidaritat MPs.

[64] However, in 1909 also he developed grave doubts; El Correo was increasingly engaged in polemics with Catalan nationalists[65] and some Junyent's editorials assumed belligerent tone, lambasting "cobardes y canallas".

[66] By next general elections of 1910 Solidaritat was already defunct; Junyent managed to negotiate merely a local alliance with La Lliga, and as a joint carlista-liguero candidate he tried to renew his Cortes bid from Vic.

[71] Iglesias intended to develop the newly born paramilitary Requeté organization into a street task force, an instrument of militant pistolerismo; this approach climaxed in the 1911 urban battle in Sant Feliú de Llobregat.

[72] For Junyent and Solferino the role of requeté would be rather to guarantee "the free exercise by all citizens of their legitimate rights " and to be "a body of voluntary Civil Guards that only molests those who live from the booty of disorder, violence and anarchy".

[78] He was immediately subject to onslaught on part of 3 partially overlapping groups of inner opposition: violent radicals accused him of appeasement versus "regionalismo conservador",[79] anti-Catalanists lambasted his perceived penchant towards "derecha nacionalista"[80] and the emerging Mellistas were unhappy about his utter loyalty to Don Jaime, even though El Correo Catalán tended to sympathize with Germany rather than with the Entente.

[88] Junyent cautiously tried to navigate his way between violent urban insurrectionism, nationalist separatism,[89] Mellista concept of grand ultra-right alliance[90] and watering down of Traditionalist ideario in an ambiguous bourgeoisie coalition.

[94] His entry into the upper chamber coincided with explosive climax of the Mellista fronde within Carlism; in early 1919 de Mella and his supports broke away to form their own organization, the move which decimated command party layers across the country.

Junyent maintained his trademark loyalty to Don Jaime; he took part in Magna Junta de Biarritz, a grand meeting supposed to set the party course for the future,[95] and for the second time was nominated the Catalan leader.

Already in 1918 Junyent entered[98] the editorial committee of Bases d’Autonomia de Catalunya, appointed by Mancomunitat;[99] he also joined comisión extraparlamentaria set up by the Cortes with the purpose of negotiating Catalan autonomous regulations.

[101] In 1919 together with Cambó and Lerroux he emerged as member of an informal Catalan triumvirate leading the project,[102] joined a common commission formed by Mancomunitat and the Cortes,[103] and edited autonomy text to be subject to popular plebiscite.

[104] Together with Cambó and Lerroux, Junyent was also among key Catalan leaders who decided to suspend the autonomy campaign in the spring of 1919, in wake of major strike and social unrest engulfing the region.

[109] At the time he was getting increasingly skeptical about social and political developments in Spain; in the early 1920s El Correo was criticizing growing anarchy and chaos,[110] especially that Junyent himself almost fell victim to a bomb attack, intended to kill the civil governor.

[120] Increasingly anxious about growing political chaos and social unrest, like many Carlists Junyent seemed to have appreciated the advent of Primo de Rivera dictatorship;[121] already in mid-1923 he took part in Somatén feast together with the Barcelona capitán general.

By the end of 1923 he was deposed from the Barcelona ayuntamiento, his career in the town hall terminated after less than 2 years;[123] in 1924 the ban on usage of Catalan in public administration prompted him to sign an open letter, which demanded that the language be freely used across the region;[124] finally, in 1924 he was trialed retroactively in relation to his 1918 article in El Correo Catalán;[125] the piece in question technically called for Spain to maintain strict neutrality during the Great War, but the prosecutor charged Junyent with instigating rebellion.

At the time Junyent remained in close touch with his king Don Jaime; in late 1923 he travelled to Paris to get latest instructions on proper Carlist stand versus the dictadura,[127] and made the same trip in early 1924[128] and then later the same year.

[133] There is scarce information on Junyent public activities of the second half of the 1920s; going on as the Carlist Catalan jefé[134] he already received homages as a distinguished leader[135] and remained among key nationwide party politicians meeting Don Jaime, e.g. during his visit to the claimant's residence in Frohsdorf.

[136] Traditionally steering clear of risky enterprises, in the late 1920s he intervened to defuse a plot to mount sort of a rising in Seu d’Urgell, contemplated by some young Carlist hotheads.

[148] He also silenced the group of Carlist youth – which included his son[149] – when they voiced opposition to the project[150] and made sure that in the party propaganda there was sufficient emphasis on regional Catalan features.

[165] One of few Carlists leaders "forever",[166] he enjoyed excellent relations with Don Alfonso Carlos and advised him on dynastic issues,[167] yet since 1932 the fronde against him was on the rise, including booing at party rallies.

According to one source he remained in Barcelona and participated in Banco Catalán executive session; he filed his resignation over issues related to compensation for an employee who suffered during the turmoil; the letter was not accepted.