Under Salomon's leadership, the Nationals reached the height of their influence and dominated until 1888, surviving many violent attempts to oust them, including the Liberal Insurrection of 1883, during which Boyer-Bazelais was killed.
Although Hyppolite had fought with National backing, he declared himself a Liberal by the time he assumed office, making the divisions increasingly blurry and irrelevant.
[5] Poet Emmanuel Edouard articulated these tensions, stating:[5] Within the National Party, Nicholls identifies a faction known as the noiristes, sometimes called "ultranationals" or piquets doctrinaires.
[6] This group, led by intellectuals such as Louis Joseph Janvier, aimed to reintrepret Haitian history through a "Black" lens, pinning the country's struggles on the selfishness of Mulatto politicians, who they argued prioritized their own interests over national unity, and to the weakness of black leaders, who engaged in la politique de doublure (serving as figureheads while others held real power).
[7] However, critics of Nicholls' analysis, such as historian Chelsea Stieber, argue that this characterization imposes a teleological framework that distorts historical reality.
To garner such support, they appealed directly to them by emphasizing racial solidarity and framing the struggle as one of blacks against the dominance of the mulatto elite.
[10] The association of the Nationals with Noirism—an ideology focused on the empowerement of Haiti's Black majority and promotion of African heritage—as argued by later 20th-century Noirist writers, is subject to debate.
Noirist writers like Ulrich Saint Louis and Leslie Manigat argue that the National Party "advocated the reconnecting of Haiti to a black civilization".
He contends that prominent Nationals, including Lysius Salomon, aimed to align Haiti culturally and politically with European civilization, particularly the French model.
[12] Salomon reportedly expressed these sentiments to the French minister in Port-au-Prince, stating, "Our origin, our language, our instincts incline us towards you; it is France—honest, loyal, and generous—whom we prefer to all the other nations.
"[12] This eurocentric view was further echoed by National intellectuals such as Louis-Joseph Janvie, who supported the idea of borrowing the legal and constitutional frameworks of the British and the French rather than from the African traditions.
"[13] While the Nationals acknowledged Haiti’s African roots biologically speaking, they viewed European civilization as the gold standard of progress.
However, Soulouque's imperial ambitions collapsed in 1859, leading to his abdication, the reestablishment of a republican government under Fabre Geffrard, and the return of the Mulatto elite to political power.
[19][24] When legislative elections were held in January, Domingue's supporters within the National Party failed to secure a majority in the House of Deputies.
In protest, Domingue's faction, led by Septimus Rameau, withdrew from the House altogether, causing a constitutional crisis and paralyzing legislative proceedings.
President Saget however refused to recognize the election, citing a constitutional requirement that two-thirds of the entire membership be present for such decisions to be considered valid.
[27] With the increasingly despotic rule of President Domingue, many Liberals chose to flee Haiti, seeking refuge in Kingston (Jamaica) and St. Thomas (then part of the Danish West Indies).
[27] During Agriculture Day festivities in 1875, Domingue's forces seized on the opportunity to eliminate the remaining leadership of the Liberal Party still in Haiti - Monplaisir Pierre, Georges Brice, and Boisrond Canal.
[29] In 1876, exiled Liberals in Jamaica and St. Thomas organized an invasion of Jacmel that killed many, including the founder of the National Party, Rameau.
Hannibal Price, a Liberal deputy, wrote "Canal preferred to betray the party who had been his friends sooner than to see his rival succeed to the Presidency.
In response, the Nationals of Lysius Salomon decided to topple the Lamothe-Hérissé regime, culminating in General Richelieu Duperval's coup on October 3, which installed a new provisional government.
Though their rule was marred by violent attempts to unseat them, the most notable being the failed 1883 Liberal uprising which began in Miragoâne and was led by Boyer Bazelais.
Under pressure from foreign powers concerned of the uprising threatening their business interests, President Salomon quickly reestablished order in the capital.
[41] On August 4, 1888, General Seide Thélémanque, who commanded the northern provinces near Cap-Haïtien, publicly declared that he would no longer recognize Salomon’s authority and formed the separatist République Septentrionale.
[42][37] Though Hyppolite fought with the backing of the Nationals, he declared himself a Liberal by the time he assumed the presidency, making the divisions increasingly blurry and ultimately irrelevant.
[43] Despite this, President Hyppolite exiled many National opposition figures while reintegrating prominent Liberal leaders (Edmond Paul and Anténor Firmin) into government roles.
[42] Advocating for economic reform, the reduction of military influence in politics, the broader inclusion of civilian participation in governance,[45] and a third-way that transcended the traditional Liberal and National divide,[46] Firminism quickly gained momentum.