[50][51] However, at a deeper level, the Kenyans desired "to be seen as a reliable partner in the U.S.-led 'global war on terrorism', there were institutional interests within the KDF, and key political elites within the Kenyan government, notably Minister for Internal Security George Saitoti, the Defence Minister Yusuf Haji and several senior security chiefs, advocated for intervention to advance their own economic and political interests.

"[4] Kenya's incursion into southern Somalia started after the 13 October kidnapping of two Spanish women who were working for Médecins Sans Frontières at the Dadaab refugee camp.

[52] Médecins Sans Frontières issued a press statement at the time disassociating itself from any armed activities and related declarations launched following the abduction.

[56] According to The Guardian, "several sources agree[...] that the Kenyan intervention plan was discussed and decided in 2010, then finalised with input from western partners, including the US and to a lesser extent France", with Nairobi using the kidnappings "as an excuse to launch an operation ready and waiting.

According to an unidentified security source, "the meeting was to prepare a joint operation between the two forces ... to launch an offensive against Al-Shabaab rebels who are scattered in different parts of southern Somalia".

He noted: "I can't identify the military aircraft, but our neighbour Kenya is fully supporting us militarily and our mission is to drive Al-Shabaab out of the region".

"[60] On 27 October Kenyan government spokesman Alfred Mutua said Linda Nchi was planned months in advance and had been "going on for quite some time", as well as denied any participation by western forces.

[62] On 18 October, Somalia's President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and other TFG officials hosted a Kenyan delegation in Mogadishu to discuss security co-operation against Al-Shabaab.

He added that "Kenya trained more TFG troops in the past and they are battling now against al-Shabaab in southern Somalia regions and we are giving them both logistical and financial support."

[65] Ahmed claimed his administration and people in Somalia opposed the presence of Kenyan troops since the Somali federal government "had no agreement with Kenya beyond helping us with logistics".

[66] Ahmed had reportedly previously protested the deployment of 2500 Somalis trained in Kenya to southern Somalia, arguing that the forces be sent to Mogadishu to support the TFG there.

[54] His position reportedly conflicted with that of some Somali military and TFG officials, the latter of whom considered the deployment of Kenyan troops to be an extension of Kenya's support in ousting the Al-Shabaab rebels.

[6] On 18 November, Voice of America reported that an alliance of countries in East Africa were planning a broader joint military campaign to quash Al-Shabaab.

An Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) meeting slated for 25 November would reportedly urge all member nations, including Ethiopia, to contribute troops to the operation.

"[71] In March 2012, Colonel Cyrus Oguna [Kenya] said that Operation Linda Nchi was about to end, as Kenyan troops were set to re-hat under the African Union Mission in Somalia.

[75] According to a correspondent with The Independent, Kenya had previously been supporting at least two militias in southern Somalia in a proxy war against Al-Shabaab, but moved instead to a direct presence of Kenyan troops once that strategy had failed.

According to Al Jazeera, Al-Shabaab have attempted to capitalise on the incursion by depicting itself as a resistance force fighting foreign occupiers and urged local residents to take up arms against the Kenyan soldiers.

[1] According to The Washington Post, the United States Air Force has been sharing surveillance data with the Kenyan military that it gathered via unarmed MQ-9 Reaper unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) flying out of Arba Minch in southern Ethiopia.

[80] On 3 November, Kenyan Foreign Minister Moses Wetangula met with the Eritrean ambassador to Kenya to seek clarification on intelligence allegations that weapons were being flown to Al-Shabaab from Eritrea.

[79] Wetangula later told the press on 11 November that Kenya would consider "reviewing diplomatic ties" with Eritrea if the Eritrean government did not provide a satisfactory account of the situation.

[81] On 12 November, Eritrea's envoy to Nairobi Beyene Russom told the press that his government had no objections vis-a-vis Operation Linda Nchi.

[81] On 5 December, the United Nations Security Council imposed tougher sanctions on Eritrea due to its reported role in providing support to the Al-Shabaab militants.

Colonel Felix Kulayigye, a spokesman for AMISOM's Ugandan military contingent, indicated that "Normally, sanctions are supposed to reduce the capability of the affected country in its financial muscle.

[82] Pundits have suggested that Eritrea's involvement in the Somali conflict, its reported support of Al-Shabaab and earlier alleged backing of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), are part of a "proxy war" against Ethiopia.

TFG spokesman Abdirahman Omar Osman indicated that Kenyan troops were only supplying "logistical and moral support" and that Somali military officers were actually combating the Islamist militants.

On 24 October, French media reported that the Somali army and Kenyan troops were advancing toward the southern town of Afmadow, with the eventual aim of seizing Kismayo from the Islamists.

[91] Identified by the media as Elgiva Bwire Oliacha (alias Mohamed Seif), a recent Kenyan Muslim convert, he was sentenced to life in prison after having pleaded guilty.

[96] By 2 November Al-Shabaab began conscripting residents to help defend the entrenched Kismayo, while at sea a skiff carrying fuel was sunk by the Kenyan navy killing 18 militants.

[6] On 20 November, Kenyan forces assisted by warships reportedly destroyed an Al-Shabaab and Al-Qaeda training facility in Hola Wajeer, situated in Lower Juba's Badhadhe District.

[108] In September 2013, the Westgate shopping mall shooting in Nairobi was reportedly in retaliation for the Kenyan troop presence in Somalia and followed Al-Shabaab warnings that it would attack.