Polish autonomy in the Vilnius Region

According to the Polish sociologist Adam Bobryk [pl], this project never gained full support from the Lithuanian authorities, nor was implemented unilaterally by the Poles.

[1] After Lithuania actually regained its independence on 4 September 1991, it suppressed the movement and dissolved the district councils of Vilnius and Šalčininkai.

[8] In two waves of emigration in the years 1945–47 and 1956–1959, at least 243,708 people left for Poland, mainly city dwellers, intellectuals and wealthy peasants.

Many immigrated from the rest of the Soviet Union to replace those, who left, mainly from the Byelorussian SSR, they were attracted by the possibility of better living conditions.

[11] Despite the initial attempts Lithuanisation[clarification needed] of the Polish population was largely fruitless, but significant portion of Poles became Russified.

[14] The pseudoscientific theory of the existence of a separate ethnic group, the so-called "vičuv Litevskich", i.e. descendants of the polonized Lithuanian nobles.

There was also a radical group, represented by Jan Ciechanowicz, which sought fait accompli, and resorted to the help of the central Soviet authorities.

Such radical tendencies were manifested also by group of Polish activists who were also members of the Communist Party, such as Czesław Wysocki from Šalčininkai.

Meanwhile, on 23 February 1989, Mikhail Gorbachev mentioned for the first time the possibility of establishing autonomous regions within the USSR's republics in a speech in Kyiv.

[26] On 12 May 1989, the 1st Congress of Deputies of the Vilnius Region (128 deputies representing towns: Šalčininkai, Eišiškės and Nemenčinė, and from 27 municipal councils of Šalčininkai, Vilnius and Švenčionys districts) was held in Mickūnai and decided to establish the Coordination Council for the Establishment of the Polish Autonomous Region (65 persons, with 5-person presidium).

[27] In response, the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the LSSR issued a statement on 22 June 1989 declaring that the establishment of autonomous regions is unconstitutional.

[34] On 24 May 1990, the Vilnius district council supported the decision to create a national region, but recognized by an act of 11 March that the territory of Lithuania is "integral and indivisible".

[35] On 1 June 1990, in the Zavišonys [lt] village, the Second Congress of Deputies of the Vilnius Region, elected new Coordinating Council, and called for creation of autonomy.

First: autonomy in the nature of a self-governing territorial unit, grouping all lands with a Polish majority, proposed by Ryszard Maciejkianiec, secretary of the ZPL.

[37] Proposals of Estonian and Latvian delegates for a joint Russian-Polish front in defense of socialism and the integrity of the USSR, as well as a pro-Moscow Polish military units were rejected.

The proposed autonomous country was to include:[3] On 7 and 10 October 1990, councilors of the Šalčininkai and Vilnius regions adopted the congress' resolutions.

The congress participants demanded, among other things, restrictions of the rights of local governments in regions inhabited by Poles and the Lithuanianization of education.

[18] The situation was aggravated by the Law On Identity Cards, passed on 29 November 1990, which did not specify the spelling of names and did not include information on nationality, which was a demand of the Polish minority.

[42] The January Events in Lithuania triggered a wave of solidarity, with all major Polish organizations criticizing Soviet aggression.

[46] This was a major breakthrough and the fulfillment of a large part of the demands of the Polish minority, but many of the provisions were conditional, moreover, reluctantly introduced by those in power and government officials.

[47] Furthermore, a law was passed on 31 January 1991 that allowed data to be entered in personal identity cards only in the Lithuanian alphabet, which significantly affected the way Polish names were written.

"[51] Despite warnings that such an action would be illegal, and condemnation from both the ZPL and the Parliamentary Polish Faction, the councils of the Šalčininkai and Vilnius regions organized a Soviet referendum in their areas on 17 March 1991.

[52] According to official, unreliable data, in the Šalčininkai region, with a turnout of 76%, 98.7% of voters voted in favor of preserving the reformed USSR.

"[63] The project envisioned education in three languages at the high school level, protection of cultural heritage and a proportional system in local elections.

[70] Moscow sought to create a so-called 'Interfront' in Lithuania, following the example of other Baltic states, which would unite national minorities against the titular majority, in order to destabilise the country.

[72] Nonetheless, the autonomous movement included people who supported the Soviet system, as well as low-level activists of the communist party.

[74] The role of Oleg Shenin, a member of the Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, whose activity was aimed at the counteraction of the opposition of the republic against the Moscow rule was important.

It did not plan to use them politically, at most as informal ambassadors mediating to foster good relations with the authorities of the countries the Poles inhabited.

Activists for Polish autonomy looked to Poland for support in their plans, primarily after the fall of the August putsch, when Moscow's ability to realistically influence the situation fell dramatically.

Ultimately, Jankielewicz was pardoned by President Valdas Adamkus after signing an appeal of Poles supporting Lithuania's admission to NATO.