Bramuglia, who had had presidential ambitions before his 1949 fall from grace, believed he could fill the power vacuum left by Perón's exile while providing his persecuted fellow Peronists a viable contingency.

He was in good terms with the dictator installed following the coup, General Eduardo Lonardi, and offered to cooperate with the latter's policy of avoiding "victors or vanquished."

[6] Hobbled by Perón's opposition and lacking significant support in the Peronist movement and elsewhere, the UP found itself in a position of disadvantage once the restoration of democratic institutions began in late 1956.

Framini's UP candidacy for Governor of Buenos Aires would then receive an unexpected endorsement: that of Perón, who believed these elections to be a unique chance to regain a role in government for Peronism.

The most prominent of these, Steelworkers' Union (UOM) leader Augusto Vandor, defied Perón's call for open conflict with the Illia administration, and endorsed the UP.

These included the new Vice President of the Lower House, Rodolfo Tercera del Franco, and more contentiously, Paulino Niembro (Vandor's right hand at the UOM), who was chosen to head the UP caucus; they therefore became the nation's highest-ranking Peronist elected officials.

A member of the PJ executive committee summarized the 1965 elections by remarking that "Perón provided the votes, the UP the label, and Vandor the candidates;" this, he concluded, "can't continue.

The UP, and Peronists in general, lived under a less than ideal climate of political freedom, however; police repression of an UP Loyalty Day (October 17) rally resulted in four deaths.

Perón believed these moves would effectively end his control of the movement, and that a power struggle to succeed the aging leader lurked behind these challenges to his leadership.

The proxy fight between Perón and Vandor was, moreover, a crucial trial run ahead of similar elections scheduled for March 1967 in the three most populated provinces: Buenos Aires, Córdoba, and Santa Fe.

Serú remarked that "while others wait for orders, Vandor and I believe that Peronists must act;" and Perón replied with one of his many idiomatic expressions, charging that "if they're old enough to use their trousers, they shouldn't use my shirt.

[11] He never took office, however, because the one effort in which Alonso, Perón, and Vandor cooperated consistently — fostering labor unrest to undermine the Illia administration — helped result in a military coup on June 28, thereby rescinding all elected posts.

The last of a series of three dictators, General Alejandro Lanusse negotiated a return to democracy with Peronists (who remained the largest political force in Argentina).

[6] Antonio Cafiero, who had a number of economic policy positions during the administrations of both Juan and Isabel Perón (who was deposed in 1976), founded the "Movement for Unity, Solidarity and Organization" in September 1982, a reformist faction of the Justicialist Party, and gained the support of many in the UP.

The group, known as Renovación Peronista (Peronist Renewal), was defeated in the Justicialist Party's September 1983 nominating convention for that year's presidential race by a more conservative faction backed by Lorenzo Miguel of the Steelworkers' Union.

Cafiero's Frente Renovador Party list won a majority in the Justicialist delegation to Congress from Buenos Aires Province in elections in 1985, defeating the right wing Herminio Iglesias faction.

Reorganized under the Front of the Popular Movement, the party nominated San Luis Province Governor Adolfo Rodríguez Saá for President in the 2003 elections; he obtained 14% of the vote (fourth place).