Powers of the prime minister of the United Kingdom

In the legislature, the prime minister normally (but not necessarily) leads the largest party in the House of Commons, and therefore can normally gain Parliamentary support for their desired legislation.

Most of the time the prime minister can control what is debated in the House of Commons, and when, as Government business has precedence (that is, priority) on every day it sits.

In their report, they wrote: When Lord Hennessy gave evidence to us, he commented: "the role of the Prime Minister is like the British constitution as a whole—you think you are getting close and it disappears into the mists."

Without a clear definition of the role of prime minister, the powers associated with the office have been able to evolve and accumulate, unhindered by statute, over hundreds of years...

As, by constitutional convention, the monarch acts on ministerial advice in all but exceptional cases, it is effectively ministers who exercise the royal prerogative.

[12] Rodney Brazier has said:[12]Of greatest political importance is the Prime Minister's personal authority, which stems from his ability to use, or to advise the Sovereign to use, certain prerogatives.

"[50] The decision to deploy the armed forces overseas rests with the prime minister or the Cabinet, through the exercise of the royal prerogative.

[51] Constitutional convention requires that, in the event of a commitment of the armed forces to military action, authorisation is given by the prime minister, on behalf of the Crown.

[53] However, in 2011, the government of the United Kingdom acknowledged that a constitutional convention had developed whereby the House of Commons should have an opportunity to debate the matter before troops are committed.

[7] The prime minister normally has significant power to change the law through passing primary legislation, as the PM is, by definition, able to command a majority in the House of Commons.

Members of Parliament may be expelled from their party for failing to support the Government on important issues, and although this will not mean they must resign as MPs, it will usually make re-election difficult.

Members of Parliament who hold ministerial office or political privileges can expect removal for failing to support the prime minister.

In most circumstances, however, the prime minister can secure the Commons' support for almost any bill by internal party negotiations, with little regard to the Opposition MPs.

[61] After a general election, the date of the first meeting of a new Parliament "is determined by a proclamation issued by the Sovereign, on the advice of the Prime Minister.

"[6]: p.13 Under House of Commons Standing Order 13,[62] the prime minister can ask the speaker to recall Parliament while it is on recess, who then decides.

The FTPA removed this power from both the monarch and the PM,[71][72] giving the circumstances in which a General Election can be held, and stated "Parliament cannot otherwise be dissolved".

In modern practice, when the Government party has an absolute majority in the House, only loss of supply and the express vote "that this House has no confidence in Her Majesty's Government" are treated as having this effect; dissenters on a minor issue within the majority party are unlikely to force an election with the probable loss of their seats and salaries.

For example, prime minister Harold Wilson used this power in 1964 and 1969 to prevent Parliament debating bills about peerages and Zimbabwean independence.

The appointment of senior judges, while constitutionally still on the advice of the prime minister, is now made on the basis of recommendations from independent bodies.

For example, following the poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal in 2018, a number of countries and other organisations expelled a total of more than 150 Russian diplomats in a show of solidarity with the UK, a result largely attributed to prime minister Theresa May.

In 1732, King George II offered to give 10 Downing Street to Robert Walpole, but he accepted on the condition that the gift was to the office of First Lord of the Treasury rather than to him personally.

[129][130] Varying and competing theories of the role and power of the contemporary modern prime minister have emerged in the post-war period, particularly in response to new styles of leadership and governance.

The classic view of Cabinet Government was laid out by Walter Bagehot in The English Constitution (1867) in which he described the prime minister as the primus inter pares ("first among equals").

This asserts that the prime minister has become more detached from Cabinet, party and Parliament and operates as if the occupant of the office is elected directly by the people.

When she resigned, Short denounced "the centralisation of power into the hands of the prime minister and an increasingly small number of advisers".

[144] The work of Martin J. Smith,[145] importantly, runs contrary to these increasingly personalised conceptualisations of the modern prime minister, however.

Cabinets and Prime Ministers act within the context of mutual dependence based on the exchange of resources with each other and with other actors and institutions within the core executive.

Statecraft is the idea that successful prime ministers need to maintain power in office in order to achieve any substantive long-term policy reform or political objectives.

[148] To achieve successful statecraft leaders must undertake key tasks including demonstrating competence in office, developing winning electoral strategies and carefully managing the constitution in order to protect their political interests.

Interviews with former prime ministers and party leaders in the UK found the approach to be an accurate part of some of the core tasks of political leadership.