In the United States, there is a great deal of diversity in terms of how RCCs are organized, which has implications for their ideological foundations, roles in their communities, and the services they offer.
Central to second-wave feminism was the practice of consciousness raising, which allowed groups of women to speak openly about their experiences with sexual violence and the shortcomings of law enforcement, health care providers, and the criminal justice system to effectively and constructively respond to survivors.
[2] Employing a feminist analysis, second-wave anti-rape activists began working to redefine rape as a direct outcome of patriarchy and an illustration of women's subordinate status in society relative to men.
[3] This redefinition effectively politicized rape, framing it as a larger pattern stemming from women's oppression rather than a series of random, unexplainable criminal acts.
[5] In line with the prevailing values of the women's movement at that time, early RCCs were nonhierarchical, fairly anti-establishment, and were largely staffed by volunteers.
[8] Because of efforts by anti-rape activists and RCCs on local, state, and federal levels, the 1970s and 80s saw many important legislative changes that greatly improved the situation for rape survivors.
[9] Another important development was expanding the legal definition of rape to include forced oral and anal sex,[10] penetration by a finger or object, and a number of other acts and situations.
For example, in 1980 Anne Pride, director of Pittsburgh Action Against Rape (PAAR) was held in contempt of court for refusing to submit the records of a client to the defence attorney.
Early RCCs also sought to publicize the problematic manner in which law enforcement, health care providers, the criminal justice system, and the media responded to rape.
RCCs would write letters to newspapers, hold press conferences, buy radio and television ads, and distribute flyers to draw negative attention to various actors who committed disservices to rape survivors.
Poor relations between RCCs and mainstream organizations eventually became unproductive as law enforcement and physicians would refuse RCC advocates access to rape survivors.
While RCCs still employ feminist discourse and engage in political activities, such as demonstrations and lobbying, they have largely lost the radical edge that once defined them.
[23] Each community has different resources, but some relevant mainstream organizations for such a network include hospitals, law enforcement, prosecutors, feminist groups, university rape awareness programs, mental health centers, and battered women's shelters.
Professionals employed by the RCC, many of whom hold an academic degree in women's studies, psychology, public health, social work, or another relevant discipline, provide these services.
[26] Both RCC employees and volunteers are required to undergo a 40-hour training during which they learn a great deal about societal, legal, and cultural aspects of rape.
Some states and counties have, for example, set up sexual assault funds through tax revenues as a means to express local support for the important services that RCCs provide to their communities.
[47] Non-profits that administer grants for a number of social programs, such as the United Way of America, may fund RCCs or other organizations providing services for survivors of physical and sexual violence.