Rape myth
[4] Rape myths significantly influence the perspectives of jurors, investigative agencies, judges, perpetrators, and victims.
[6] Rape myths originate from various cultural stereotypes, such as traditional gender roles, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and misunderstanding the nature of sexual assault.
[13] In 1994, Kimberly A. Lonsway and Louise F. Fitzgerald defined rape myths as "attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women.
They argue, however, that rape myths are "generally false" in nature, and function to deny and justify the victimization of women.
Similarly, the "have/hold discourse" produces women as asexual, and heterosexual pleasure comes secondary to the ultimate goal of having a relationship and family.
[57] Such myths include: Scholars have argued that racism remains a critical component of sexual violence discourse within the United States.
[64] During the colonization of North America, British settlers were impressed by the fact that Native American men showed no sexual interest in White women.
[39] Due to reported higher rape myth acceptance among males than females, as well as because of other gender-based differences in perceptions and standpoints, one analysis by Patricia Yancey Martin, John R. Reynolds and Shelley Keith suggested that "a judiciary made up solely of men differs from one made up of more equal proportions of women and men.
"[27][72] Studies by Emily Finch and Vanessa Munro on mock juries found that they were heavily influenced by myths regarding intoxicated complainants, such as that "any conscious person" would "express resistance" to rape.
[73] This commentary is furthered by the writings of Mallios and Meisner, who state that rape myth acceptance is problematic in judicial settings.
"[75] In 2015, David Osborne, a senior barrister in the UK, published a blog named "She was gagging for it", where he claimed that men should be cleared if rape victim is too drunk to consent.
[76] This problem is further heightened by the fact that investigative agencies, various participants in the Legal System, and points of contacts for rape victims, for example the nearest doctor, are likelier to be male, than female.
She writes, "Women are no more important than any other potential victims, but we are the primary targets of the messages and myths that sustain rape culture.
Anyone can be raped, but men aren't conditioned to live in terror of it, nor are they constantly warned that their clothing, travel choices, alcohol consumption, and expressions of sexuality are likely to bring violations upon them.
Canadian law does allow for the inclusion of previous sexual history, but defence counsel must present a s.276 application and a hearing is held to ensure the evidence will not be used in the context of the twin myths.
More than half of the individuals sampled in her original survey had agreed that "a woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man" on the first date "implies she is willing to have sex," and that in the majority of rapes "the victim was promiscuous or had a bad reputation."
"[1] Another measure is the 45-item Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA), developed by Diana L. Payne, Kimberly A. Lonsway, and Louise F. Fitzgerald in 1999.
[80] A 2013 online survey of freshmen at a northwestern university in the United States suggested that women who consumed mainstream sports programming were more likely to accept rape myths, while for both men and women exposure to sports programming decreased the likelihood they would express an intention to intervene if they saw a sexual assault.
