Relationships for incarcerated individuals
However, it has been demonstrated that inmate relationships play a significant role in their well-being both during and after incarceration,[2] making such research important in improving their overall health, and lowering rates of recidivism.
[4][5][6] To combat the negative side effects of incarceration, such as loneliness and seclusion, many inmates seek out surrogate families for support.
[10] Overall, surrogate families can offer a wide range of social support for inmates, such as aiding in conflict resolution, and protection, and providing feelings of belongingness.
[4][7][8] Further, these surrogate families may be one of the few methods female inmates utilize to garner social support since women are more likely than men to serve sentences in prisons that are far from their loved ones.
[11] However, some research suggests that these surrogate families can often create more anger and frustration for inmates than seeking support through other avenues (e.g., vocational, educational, or religious).
[5] Time spent utilizing religious opportunities and studies has more positive associations with inmates’ mental health and behavior than their nonreligious counterparts, demonstrated by higher scores on self-reports of self-satisfaction and confidence as well as lower rule violations.
[5][16] Finally, religious services in the prison setting offer an environment that restricts criminal or antisocial behavior,[18] thus allowing inmates a rare chance to feel safe and welcomed.
Varying forms of intimate-partner relationships (IPRs) both with fellow inmates and non-incarcerated individuals may furnish support and/or additional stressors for the incarcerated person.
[27] In the interest of preventing recidivism, programs aimed at developing IPRs and increasing intimacy are gaining momentum to reduce the strain on inmates’ and their partners’ relationships.
These programs, such as PREP: Marriage Education for Inmates, attempt to provide couples with strengthening and coping skills, such as making the most of time spent together.
Examples of this include visitors whose attire is deemed inappropriate must change their clothing or forfeit their visit for that day and policing for any “hint” of sexual suggestion.
Previous inmates are placed at a significant disadvantage for assuming mainstream social roles upon reentry into the community, particularly romantic relationships.
Separation from the community, stigma associated with time in prison, and fewer employment opportunities decrease the likelihood that ex-inmates will marry.
While most prisons are homogeneous in the sex of their inmates, there are some facilities that house both men and women; within such institutions there are cases where heterosexual married couples are held in the same location.
[33] Most instances of IPRs between incarcerated individuals are identified as consensual sexual activity as opposed to genuine romantic love.
For example, one may engage in such a relationship for the exchange of resources, such as commissary goods and money, or due to loneliness (deprivation of heterosexual intercourse).
[32] The description of these relationships closely reflects what has been reported to typically occur in men's prisons, see Situational sexual behavior.
For example, incarcerated males endorsed that those who participate in consensual sexual contact often do so due to the deprivation of heterosexual intercourse or in exchange for favors (e.g. status and protection).
Not only are there large and growing numbers of parents in prison or jail, the effects of incarceration on their familial relationships have associations with strong negative outcomes.
[34] For example, many women who are incarcerated endorse being single mothers, and are often labeled as inadequate providers for their children during and after their time in prison or jail.
[2] Studies on mothers post-release have underscored this conceptualization by demonstrating that healthy mother-child relationships have positive impacts on depression symptoms and self-esteem.
[43] For example, incarcerated mothers who endorse being the primary caretaker of their children often receive limited resources from their social network outside of the prison or jail.
[44] In a 2008 study of incarcerated mothers, results demonstrated that women who were at risk due to young age, unemployment, being a single parent, and low education were less likely than other inmates to have their children visit during their prison sentence.
Such predicaments increase parents vulnerability to become involved in drugs, prostitution, and theft for income,[46] thus encouraging the cyclical nature of incarceration and further disruption of the family system.
Relationships among families, peers, communities, and romantic partners all contribute in a unique way to predict how successfully an individual reintegrates into society.
Relationships among families, peers, communities, and romantic partners all contribute in a unique way to predict how successfully an individual reintegrates into society.
[50] Furthermore, researchers have theorized that placement of offenders in disadvantaged neighborhoods where members of the community have weak attachments to their jobs likely exposes newly released prisoners to social circumstances that are conducive to criminal activity.
When prisoners are released into their pre-incarceration environment, there exists the potential to re-initiate contact with negatively social influences, possibly leading towards re-offending.
[55][56] Offenders who enter the prison system are forced to re-arrange their social connections with fellow inmates and correctional staff.
Social constraints, isolation, and traumas experienced while incarcerated may contribute to risks in recidivism,[58] and visitation by significant persons are, to some degree, effective in protecting against these factors.
