[5] Japarov began his political career as a deputy in 2005 after being elected to the Supreme Council and from 2007 served in the presidential administration under Kurmanbek Bakiyev before his overthrow in the 2010 Kyrgyz Revolution.

[6] From there, Japarov returned working as a deputy and held popular rallies to overthrow the Kyrgyz government during the attempts of seizing the Bishkek White House and kidnapping an akim, which led for him to flee Kyrgyzstan for exile in 2013 to avoid prosecution.

[7] His prison sentence time was cut short after eventually being freed by his supporters during the 2020 Kyrgyz Revolution and leading for his rise to power in Kyrgyzstan.

[10] Prior to Japarov taking charge, Kyrgyzstan was known for having a relatively open political climate compared to other post-Soviet states of Central Asia.

[13][10] Under his presidency, the Kyrgyzstan government has embarked on a vast public spending spree, much of which is going to companies owned by Japarov through complex networks of proxies.

[16] In the 2007 parliamentary elections, he participated in the lists of the pro-presidential party Ak Jol, which won the majority of seats in parliament but went on to work as an adviser to the president.

[16] Japarov, during his tenure as a supreme commissioner in the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption, was repeatedly accused of raiding the Issyk-Kul Bank in order to help the business empire of Maksim Bakiev, the son of then-president Kurmanbek Bakiyev.

[17] Japarov sister, Raikul Japarova, in alliance with Lithuanian businessman Mikhail Nadel, a friend of Maksim Bakiyev, forcibly seized the Issyk-Kul Bank.

[16] Following the revolution, Japarov was re-elected as a member of Supreme Council on the party list of Ata-Zhurt led by Kamchybek Tashiev, which won the majority of seats in the 2010 parliamentary election.

While Japarov, in a bulletproof vest and with weapons, entered the parliament, his allies, deputies, Mamytov and Tashiev, led people to storm the parliamentary fence.

[28] Members of parliament staying at the Dostuk Hotel approved his appointment that night, but the opposition's nominee, Tilek Toktogaziev, declared himself to be the legitimate head of government.

[34] Japarov successfully was approved as prime minister by Jeenbekov, but he was initially unsuccessful in persuading the president to step down until a new general election could be held.

[41] Since coming to power in 2020, Sadyr Japarov appointed his longtime friend Kamchybek Tashiev as the head of the State Committee for National Security, making him the second most-powerful official in Kyrgyzstan.

"[45] The changes were described by Associate Professor William Partlett of Melbourne Law School as moving "toward a form of presidentialism that is close to the authoritarian-style 'crown-presidentialism' in the post-Soviet Eurasian space.

[48] Former deputy Sadiq Sher-Niyaz said that the draft constitution is an attempt to seize power and lead to totalitarianism, he called on lawmakers to reject the new version of the Basic Law.

[61] In June 2021, Sadyr Japarov and his Turkmen counterpart Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov met to discuss the possibility of Turkmenistan supplying Kyrgyzstan with natural gas and electricity in the autumn and winter.

On 30 April, he held a telephone conversation with the President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon, during which he agreed to participate in a face-to-face meeting in Dushanbe in the second half of May.

Before his presidency, Japarov has repeatedly insisted that he was against the idea of his closest relatives to interfere in political processes, as well as to hold any high government positions.

Japarov's niece Perizat Japarova holds the position of Deputy Head of the Digital Development Department of the Presidential Administration.

[87] Political activist and journalist of Next TV Adilet Baltabai was arrested for speaking out against the opening of a casino in Kyrgyzstan, and sentenced to 5 years in prison.

[94] On 19 April 2023, Atyr Abdrakhmatova presented her annual report on the situation of human rights in Kyrgyzstan, in which she pointed to the growing pressure on freedom of speech.

[99] Many allege that during the time of Japarov's work in anti-corruption departments, he "did not show significant success in the fight against corruption", being accused of having connections with a "thief in law" and northern crime boss, Kamchy Kolbaev.

Babanov came to power, now we are hanging out with the Kurds...If any nation in our country, Russians, Uzbeks, Turks or Chinese, say that they are equal to or superior to the Kyrgyz, then the state will fall apart "[102] During the protests of 2012, Sadyr Japarov openly showed anti-Semitism remarks to provoke the crowd, falsely accusing Jews of seizing the Kumtor gold mine, despite the fact that the deposits were developed by the Canadian campaign together with the government of Kyrgyzstan:"Jews took over Kumtor.

[106] Shirshov was put on the wanted list by the previous authorities of Kyrgyzstan in Interpol, but was released under Sadyr Japarov immediately after his arrival in the country.

[107] Sadyr Japarov, who was the supreme commissioner in the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption, was repeatedly accused of raiding the "Issyk-Kul" bank in order to help the business empire of the son of the ousted dictator Kurmanbek Bakiyev – Maksim Bakiev.

Despite the fact that criminal cases were initiated against members of the Bakiyev clan in his homeland, Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus, refused to extradite him to Kyrgyzstan.

Japarov told Kommersant in January 2021 that from 2017 to 2020, he created a power base from within prison by forming social media groups on Odnoklassniki, Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp.

However, his three years of illicit social media outreach did not appear to have spread extensively among the Kyrgyz people, since none of the respondents reported hearing of him during this period.

[110] According to independent journalists of Kyrgyzstan, with the advent and establishment of power of Japarov and his ally Kamchybek Tashiev, fake media factories began to operate in the country in large numbers.

[111] The journalists managed to find out that employees of state media are massively involved in them, where they are also supervised by press secretaries of ministries,[112] obliging them to write positive comments about government officials.