[56] Another old appearance was recorded in the humorous Recife newspaper O Carapuceiro, dated February 1838,[57] when Father Miguel Lopes Gama of Sacramento wrote against what he called "the samba d'almocreve" – not referring to the future musical genre, but a kind of merriment (dance drama) popular for black people of that time.

[59] For many years of the Brazilian colonial and imperial history, the terms "batuque" or "samba" were used in any manifestation of African origins that brought together dances (mainly umbigada), songs and uses of Black people instruments.

[8] The folklorist Oneida Alvarenga was the first expert to list primitive popular dances of the type: coco, tambor de crioula, lundu, chula or fandango, baiano, cateretê, quimbere, mbeque, caxambu and xiba.

[74] Essentially made up of two parts (choir and solo) usually performed on the fly, the partido alto was – and still is – the most traditional sung variant of rural samba in Rio de Janeiro State.

[85] Black women from Salvador and Bahia's Recôncavo,[86] the "Tias Baianas" ("Bahian aunts") founded the first Candomblé terreiros,[83] introduced the cowrie-shell divination[87] and disseminated the mysteries of the African-based religions of the Jeje-Nagô tradition in the city.

[89][90] Among the most well-known Bahian aunts in Rio, were the Tias Sadata, Bibiana, Fê, Rosa Olé, Amélia do Aragão, Veridiana, Mônica, Perciliana de Santo Amaro and Ciata.

[87][91] A place for meetings around religion, cuisine, dance and music,[89] Tia Ciata's home was frequented both by samba musicians and pais-de-santo as well as by influential intellectuals and politicians from Rio de Janeiro society.

[35][133] Located close to Praça Onze and housing Morro do São Carlos, the neighborhood of Estácio was a center of convergence of public transport, mainly of trams that served the North Zone of the city.

[134] Its proximity to the nascent hills settlements as well as its primacy in the formation of this new samba ended up linking its musical production, from urban train lines, to the favelas and suburbs of Rio, such as Morro da Mangueira,[135][27] and the suburban neighborhood of Osvaldo Cruz.

[144] A popular neighborhood with a large Black/mixed contingent , Estácio was one of the great strongholds of poor samba musicians situated between marginality and social integration, who ended up being stigmatized by the upper classes in Rio as "dangerous" rascals.

[155] This veto on wind instruments became the rule from then on[156] – including for the first parade between them, organized in 1932 by journalist Mario Filho and sponsored by the daily Mundo Sportivo[154] -, because it differentiated schools from carnival ranchos with the appreciation of batucadas, which would definitely mark the aesthetic bases of samba from then on.

[169] Artists with good contact with record labels, the popular singers Francisco Alves and Mário Reis were adepts of this practicea,[170][171] having acquired sambas from composers such as Cartola[172][173][174] and Ismael Silva.

[184][189] That is, instead of receiving only one fee per presentation, the monthly remuneration was fixed to pay the artists, a model that triggered a fierce dispute between radio stations to form its professional and exclusive casts with popular stars of Brazilian music and also philharmonic orchestras.

[186] One of the most notorious orchestral formations on the radio was the Orquestra Brasileira – under the command of conductor Radamés Gnatalli and with a team of musicians such as the sambistas João da Baiana, Bide and Heitor dos Prazeres in percussion[193] -, which combined standards of the international song at that time with popular instruments in Brazilian music, such as the cavaquinho.

[196] In this golden age of radio broadcasting in Brazil, a new generation of composers from the middle class emerged, such as Ary Barroso, Ataulfo Alves, Braguinha, Lamartine Babo and Noel Rosa, who have built successful careers in this media.

[225][226] At the end of 1937, the sambistas Paulo da Portela [pt] and Heitor dos Prazeres participated in a caravan of Brazilian artists to Montevideo that performed at the Gran Exposición Feria Internacional del Uruguay.

[237] However, over the course of the decade, the samba made by these genuine sambistas was losing space on Brazilian radio to new sub-genres that were being formed, while figures such as Cartola and Ismael Silva were ostracized until they left the music scene in the late 1940s.

[165] Thanks to its economic exploitation through the radio and the records, samba not only became professional,[238] but also diversified into new sub-genres,[239] many of which were different from the hues originating in the hills of Rio de Janeiro[171] and established by the interests of the Brazilian music industry.

[161] The period of Brazilian music between 1929 and 1945 marked by the arrival of radio and electromagnetic recording of sound in the country and by the notability of major composers and singers,[40] – the so-called "golden age" registered several styles of samba, some with greater and others with less solidity.

[240][241] Although the term began to circulating in the press in 1929 to mistakenly designate "Jura", by Sinhô, and "Diz que me amas", by J. Machado,[242] the starting point of the line was "Linda Flor (Ai, Ioiô)", a melody by Henrique Vogeler and lyrics by Luis Peixoto,[nb 11] released in the revue and on disc by singer Aracy Cortes.

[248][249] Not by chance, Zuza Homem de Mello and Jairo Severiano consider that this samba style was truly inaugurated with the second version of the song "No rancho fundo", with melody by Ary Barroso and lyrics by Lamartine Babo.

[250] Basically, Carnaval was reserved for the launch of marchinhas and sambas-enredo, a sub-genre typified in this way in the 1930s because of the lyrics and melody, which must comprise the poetic summary of the theme chosen by the samba school for its carnival parade.

[nb 12][254] One of the most popular sambas of this variant is "Carinhoso", by Pixinguinha, released as choro in 1917, received lyrics and ended up relaunched two decades later, in the voice of Orlando Silva, with great commercial success.

[248] In certain cases, the change occurred through a musical treatment based on the cool jazz tones and more restrained vocal performances, and more complex melodic-harmonic structures,[290] distinct, therefore, from the rhythmic-bodily sensuality of traditional samba.

[308][315] These formal Gilbertian experiences were consolidated in the studio album Chega de Saudade, released in 1959,[312] and triggered the emergence of an artistic movement around Gilberto and others professional artists such as Antonio Carlos Jobim, Vinicius de Moraes, Baden Powell, Alaíde Costa, Sylvia Telles, among others, which attracted young amateur musicians from the South Zone of Rio – almost all from the middle class and with university degrees[308] – such as Carlos Lyra, Roberto Menescal, Ronaldo Boscoli and Nara Leão.

[nb 14] Among the main factors for the expansion of the Brazilian market were: the consolidation of MPB production stimulated by artists such as Elis Regina, Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil, Gal Costa, Maria Bethania,[nb 15] and also in the segment of sentimental songs, drawn sales champion Roberto Carlos;[382] the establishment of LP as a dominant medium format, where it was possible to insert several compositions on the same record, and also made the artist more important than his songs individually;[383] the significant participation of foreign music in the Brazilian market, with the predominance of young music on the country charts, and the growth of the international repertoire on the soap opera soundtracks, mainly on TV Globo.

[416][428] On this way opened by Fundo de Quintal, in 1985 the collective studio album called "Raça Brasileira" was released,[432] which revealed to the general public singers such as Jovelina Pérola Negra and Zeca Pagodinho.

[433] Especially prioritizing partido-alto sambas, this LP, as well as the works since 1979 by Beth Carvalho, Almir Guineto and the group Fundo de Quintal, formed the new sub-genre that ended up being called pagode by the Brazilian music industry.

[433] The main artists in this sub-genre reached the top of the success charts and became known nationally thanks to exposure in the mainstream media and the growing investments of record labels stimulated by huge sales since 1986, pulled by both the LPs of the already established Almir Guineto and Fundo de Quintal – the great paradigm of the subgenre – and for the debut works of Zeca Pagodinho, Marquinhos Satã and Jovelina Pérola Negra.

[464][467] Other new artists linked to the samba traditions, but without direct ties to the Lapa carioca movement, emerged such as Dudu Nobre[468] and Diogo Nogueira,[469] in addition to Fabiana Cozza in São Paulo.