Some scholars and journalists define sectarianism as fixed pre-existing communal categories in society, and use it to explain political, cultural, or religious conflicts between groups.
[7] Other scholars conceive of sectarianism as a set of social practices where daily life is organised on the basis of communal norms and rules that individuals strategically use and transcend.
[2] "The French colonial state contributed to rendering the Shi‘i community in Jabal ‘Amil and Beirut more visible, more empowered, but also more sectarian, in ways that it had never quite been before.
"[2] This fundamental transformation led by the French created a new political reality that paved the way for the "mobilization" and "radicalization" of the Shi’a community during the Lebanese civil war.
Scholars like Linda Sayed and Nadya Sbaiti have studied sectarianism from this often neglected approach and have come to the conclusion that citizens themselves have had a more flexible understanding of this segregation of groups in their society.
Their decisions often centered around this goal and evinced less concern with the allegedly ‘unique’ confessional-communal characteristics reflected by a given school.”[17] Lebanon gained independence on 22 November 1943.
[19][20] During the three decades following independence from the French Mandate, the sectarian system established with the National Pact and developments in the region brought about escalating tensions that culminated with a civil strife that lasted from 1975 until 1990.
In this first phase of the conflict, the Shiite front led by Imam Musa al-Sadr tried to maintain a neutral position, even though a military group, Amal, was formed.
The first months of violence were accompanied by an intense political debate between the Lebanese Front and the LNM, especially in the context of the Committee for National Dialogue that tried to reinforce a first ceasefire during September and October 1975.
[23] Given the fact that the Shiite community was based in the South of the country, the Christian presence caused a reaction and reinforcement from Amal - with Syrian support.
With Imam Musa al-Sadr's disappearance in August 1978, Amal moved further in supporting Lebanese Shiite cause, distancing itself from all fronts involved in the conflict.
The Lebanese Civil War officially became a regional dilemma when Israel invaded in 1982 with two avowed aims: destroy the PLO military infrastructure and secure its northern frontier through the establishment of a Christian Lebanon.
Israel's invasion did indeed lead to PLO retreat from the country and the election of Bachir Gemayel, Maronite leader and commander of the Lebanese Forces, as President of Lebanon.
The death of their commander led to a retaliation against Palestinians by the Lebanese Forces, with a three-days long massacre in the camps of Sabra and Chatila in West Beirut.
Amin Gemayel was elected president at the end of the month to replace his brother Bachir, thus bringing Kataeb party in control of the state.
This situation, added to Israeli presence and conflicting approaches on how to resist it, brought to the fragmentation of Lebanon territory, divided in a multitude of "mini-states, run by militias who claimed to be defending their region/sect against the expansionism of the Phalangist state".
This latter front was mainly represented by the newborn Hezbollah, whose purpose was the establishment of an Islamic Republic in Lebanon and who soon remained the sole anti-Israeli resistance in the country after Israel withdraw in 1985.
Amal kept an intermediate position between these two factions, but engaged in fighting Palestinian presence in the country during the so-called "War of the Camps", in tacit agreement with Israel.
The socio-sectarian model proposed by Jumblatt merged sectarian and class fractures, and found its main opposition in the Shiite Amal anti-feudalism.
By 1989, what had begun as an internal war between Lebanese factions had become a regional conflict that directly drew in Syria, Israel, Iran, Europe and the United States - with Iraq, Libya, Saudi Arabia, and the Soviet Union involved indirectly by providing financial support and weaponry to different militias.
"[3] As such, several key provisions of the National Pact were changed: it relocated most presidential powers in favor of Parliament and the Council of Ministers and, as such, the Maronite Christian President lost most of his executive powers and only retained symbolic roles; it redistributed important public offices, including those of Parliament, Council of Ministers, general directors, and grade-one posts, evenly between Muslims and Christians thereby upsetting the traditional ratio of six to five that favored Christians under the National Pact; it “recognized the chronic instability of confessionalism and called for devising a national strategy for its political demise.
تيار المردة Tayyār al-Marada حركة أمل Ḥarakat Amal أمل تيار المستقبل Tayyār al-Mustaqbal حزب الله Ḥizbu 'llāh جمعية المشاريع الخيرية الإسلامية Jamʿīyah al-Mashārīʿ al-Khayrīyah al-ʾIslāmīyah الأحباش al-Aḥbāsh الجماعة الإسلامية Al-Jama'ah Al-Islamiyah الحزب التقدمي الإشتراكي Ḥizb at-Taqadummi al-Ishtiraki Mainly Druze الحزب الديمقراطي اللبناني al-Ḥizb ad-Dimoqrati al-Lubnāni Mainly Druze تيار النوحيد اللبناني Tayyār at-Tawhid al-Lubnany Mainly Druze Sectarianism shapes Lebanese society on different levels.
[26] Lara Deeb's research demonstrates that despite efforts to eliminate structural and institutional practices, interpersonal discrimination endures in Lebanese society.
This discrimination permeates kinship, affecting personal interactions, decisions, assumptions, and conflicts, presenting sectarianism as a hindrance to social cohesion and perpetuating discriminatory practices at both institutional and interpersonal levels.
The discriminatory dimension of sectarianism extends its influence to Lebanon's urban landscape, where stereotypes are closely tied to regions and associated with people's sects, social status, morals, and values.
[13] This significance was particularly highlighted during the October 2019 Revolution, when people began proudly sharing their inter-sect relationships on social media platforms as a form of resistance against the political system.
These unions showcase personal narratives that contribute to reshaping communities and fostering a deeper understanding of shared humanity, representing a collective effort to transcend sectarian divisions.
In Lebanon this translated to scattered clashes and incidents and therefore to an increasing securitization, operated by different actors including the Lebanese Armed Forces and Hezbollah.