In his early years in politics, Playford was an outspoken backbencher who often lambasted LCL ministers and their policies, and had a maverick strategy, often defying party norms and advocating unadulterated laissez faire economics and opposing protectionism and government investment, in stark contrast to his later actions as premier.

Playford's policies allowed for the supply of cheap electricity to factories, minimal business taxes, and low wages to make the state more attractive to industrial investment.

Playford became less assured in parliament as Labor became more aggressive, with their leading debater Don Dunstan combatively disrupting the previously collaborative style of politics, targeting the injustice of the Playmander in particular.

This was exacerbated by Playford and his party's failure to adapt to changing social mores, remaining adamantly committed to restrictive laws on alcohol, gambling and police powers.

[28] In his opening address, Playford individually mocked the bureaucrats who comprised various government bodies, and then condemned public transport monopolies, as well as declaring "It is not our business to worry whether people go broke or not".

[29] During his first term in parliament, Playford also gained attention for his unconvincing command of the English language; he developed a reputation for mispronouncing common words, using bad syntax, and speaking in a monotone.

[32] Playford further criticised government subsidies to work farms designed to alleviate unemployment among Indigenous Australians, claiming that the cost exceeded that of the standard jobless payment.

[42] Butler abandoned the Premiership in November to seek election for the federal seat of Wakefield, a Liberal stronghold that had been vacated by the death of sitting member Charles Hawker in an aviation accident.

[65] Playford demanded that supplies be built up so the factories could keep producing; he managed to secure eight months worth of coal reserves from NSW, but even that began to dwindle due to the continued industrial action.

Playford advocated the use of brown coal from the South Australian Leigh Creek mine to avoid supply complications, and even made into law a bill encouraging its use.

By then heading the only conservative government in the nation, when Playford requested commonwealth funds to assist in the nationalisation of the AESC, Prime Minister Chifley responded with glee and enthusiasm.

While the other states had to suffer industrial power rationing and thus reduced manufacturing output and more unemployment, South Australia managed to escape as the miners at Leigh Creek worked around the clock.

Prices and wages were kept relatively low to enable continued investment, and South Australia was slower than the other states to abolish these wartime measures to increase its industrial competitiveness.

[93] This cooperative nature of party politics would not change until Don Dunstan's prominence in the late 1950s,[96] when Playford would be assailed not for his economics, but for his government's comparatively low expenditure on public services such as education and healthcare.

[102] After earlier failed attempts to bring a tyre factory to Adelaide, the plans to build the Port Stanvac Refinery which would produce hydrocarbons used in synthetic rubber—in the early 1960s were enough to convince both a Dunlop Rubber-Olympic joint venture and SA Rubber Mills (later Bridgestone Australia) to start manufacturing operations.

[111] Playford also attempted to have the Australian Atomic Energy Commission based in the state, but failed; the nation's only nuclear reactor was built at Lucas Heights on the outskirts of Sydney.

Playford had landed unexpectedly in his role as the undisputed leader of his party, while Dunstan was, from the start of his parliamentary career, a stand-out among his own ranks and an excellent orator in parliament.

[128] Even though O'Halloran had despaired of ever winning power, by the time of his death in 1960, Labor was only four seats behind the LCL; it had faced a 10-seat deficit when he succeeded Robert Richards as Opposition Leader in 1949.

[130][131] A young girl was found raped and murdered, and Max Stuart, an Aborigine, was convicted and sentenced to be executed only a month later, on the basis of a confession gained during interrogation,[130] although he had protested his innocence in pidgin English.

This aroused disquiet and objections against the fairness of the trial among an increasing number of legal academics and judges,[133][134] and The News brought much attention to Stuart's plight with an aggressive, tabloid-style campaign.

The vote was split along party lines and was thus defeated, but Dunstan used the opportunity to attack the Playmander with much effect in the media, portraying the failed legislation as an unjust triumph of a malapportioned minority who had a vengeance mentality over an electorally repressed majority who wanted a humane outcome.

Although a majority of those who spoke out against the handling of the matter thought that Stuart was probably guilty,[144] the events provoked heated and bitter debate in South Australian society and destabilised Playford's administration.

A more ambitious plan for a freeway system was commissioned, but the study was not completed until after Playford's departure and was scrapped by later governments due to widespread public objections to the proposed demolition of entire suburbs for interchanges.

[149] The economic success of Playford's administration also fuelled the rapid growth of an immigrant, working and middle-class whose social expectations differed markedly from his traditionalist stance, loosening his grip on power.

[160] The demographic changes brought on by Playford's successful economic policies increased the number of people who had rather different views to his on matters such as education, health, arts, the environment, gambling and alcohol.

"[167] University academics and Public Examinations Board called for the inclusion of biology and the broadening of senior high school curriculum to better prepare students for tertiary education, but were rebuffed.

[149] The premier was also known for his suspicious attitude towards the University of Adelaide and tertiary education in general; many of their graduates moved interstate and he thought that scientific research done within the state was not sufficiently focussed on practical applications.

Playford saw the discussion of such a topic as misuse of public funds for promotion of socialism, and his continued outspokenness about political curricula angered academics, who saw it as an attempt to curtail intellectual freedom.

[175] Sir Arthur Rymill, an LCL member of the upper house, criticised the demolition of the Theatre Royal, lobbied Playford for increased funding without success, pointing out that world-class performing arts venues were generally subsidised by the government.

[196] He returned to his orchard at Norton Summit, and took a continued interest in South Australian politics, but did not typically raise his opinions publicly; he was still consulted in private by Liberals up until his death, however.