The State Council, according to Sir Frank Swettenham, was a "great safety valve" that gave the angry Malay aristocrats and nobilities an opportunity for debate outside of the traditional meeting with the Sultan and his personal advisors.

Among the council's duties were writing laws, selecting penghulu (headman) and khadi, distributing political funding and allowances, approving pardon requests, and confirming death sentences.

Due to the State Council's growing workload as Brunei's wealth surged in the late 1940s as a result of oil money, a Finance Committee was established in 1950 to oversee intricate financial processes and consider requests for unusual expenditures.

In keeping with its growing role in governance, the council also got power over administrative appointments, pay adjustments, and other standard issues like pensions and land alienation.

The council met under Japanese occupation even after the Sultan left, speaking in Malay and using the Jawi script, which gave previously excluded individuals a greater say.

[13] The Sultan highlighted the significance of young Brunei men possessing suitable qualifications not being passed over for government employment by the Resident during the first State Council session following the Japanese occupation.

[13] As nationalist feelings spread throughout Southeast Asia and Brunei in the aftermath of World War II, the British government had to exercise caution while dealing with the State Council because they could sense the people's growing political consciousness.

Members in the local community became dissatisfied as a result of the Resident's constant denial of requests for more than predetermined allowances, which was a clear sign of frustration over financial assistance.

Christopher Dawson and Arthur Grattan-Bellow, among other British officials, acknowledged that there were legal confusions surrounding their jurisdiction over Brunei, especially with regard to procedural problems with Residents passing legislation.

[19] During his brother's absence, he assumed control over palace matters and won the backing of the British as a future Sultan who was anticipated to rule Brunei and maintain strong ties with Britain.

[16] Influenced by nationalist movements in neighbouring regions such as Indonesia and buoyed by increasing oil revenue, Bruneians started to demand long-overdue social welfare and educational facilities under British post-war reconstruction policies.

The council examined British legislative ideas, claiming numerical superiority, under the influence of nominees nominated by the Sultan, such as Ibrahim Mohammad Jahfar.

[23] The State Treasurer Incorporation Enactment, which the British government had introduced in early 1953 to control financial administration and plug loopholes, was met with stiff resistance in the council.

State Treasurer D. H. Trumble proposed raising the corporate income tax from 20 to 30 percent per cent when he submitted the budget projections for that year in February 1953.

Bruneians acknowledged the lack of skilled local candidates for numerous occupations, but they were against more foreign labour, believing it would limit their chances of holding government posts.

In an effort to increase involvement in the legislative process, the Sultan eventually elevated these delegates from their original position as observers to full participation in the State Council.

[24] When the State Council grew in November 1954, prominent educators including Abdul Manan Mohamed, Marsal Maun, and Pengiran Ali dominated as observers.

High Commissioner Anthony Abell criticised the difficulty of calling regular meetings of the council and attacked its attempts to remove the Resident from decision-making authority over executive affairs.

Resident John Orman Gilbert had difficulties persuading the council to follow recognised norms, which led to his expulsion from Brunei when members criticised him for unnecessary spending.