State capture
[1] Allegations of state capture have led to protests against the government in Bulgaria in 2013–2014 and in 2020–2021 and Romania in 2017,[2] and have caused an ongoing controversy in South Africa beginning in 2016.
A 2023 academic paper argued that "the concept of state capture helps to structure our understanding of patterns of grand corruption seen around the world in varied contexts, and increasingly even in countries once regarded as secure democracies.
"[3] Protests in Bulgaria in 2013–14 against the Oresharski cabinet were prompted by allegations that it came to power due to the actions of an oligarchic structure (formerly allied to Boyko Borisov) which used underhand maneuvers to discredit the GERB party.
[10] Conversely, in 2020 large anti-GERB protests broke out, accusing Borisov and his party of once again allying themselves with oligarchic organizations, permitting corruption and undermining political opposition.
[11] Press freedom in Bulgaria diminished to the point it was rated worst in the EU;[12] one oligarch, Delyan Peevski, controls close to 80% of the newspaper distribution market.
As Russia has increased influence over Bulgaria's economy, it has used dominant positions in strategic sectors to strengthen relationships and cultivate new ones with corrupt businessmen and local oligarchs.
[15] State capture in the Western Balkans has been undermining the EU enlargement process, strengthening ruling parties and weakening independent institutions and political opposition.
[18] In May 2017, a group of academics convened by Mark Swilling and including Ivor Chipkin, Lumkile Mondi, Haroon Bhorat and others, published the Betrayal of the Promise report, the first major study of state capture in South Africa.
[20] The 2017 book How to Steal a City details state capture within the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality in South Africa during the Zuma government.
[26] These allegations were made in light of revelations by former ANC MP Vytjie Mentor and Deputy Finance Minister Mcebisi Jonas that they had been offered Cabinet positions by the Guptas at the family's home in Saxonwold, a suburb in Johannesburg.
[35] Following a formal complaint submitted in March 2016 by a catholic priest, Father Stanslaus Muyebe,[36] the Guptas' alleged "state capture" was investigated by Public Protector Thuli Madonsela.
President Zuma and Minister Des van Rooyen applied for a court order to prevent the publication of the report on 14 October 2016, Madonsela's last day in office.
[45] The report recommended establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry into the issues identified,[46] including a full probe of Zuma's dealings with the Guptas, with findings to be published within 180 days.
Soon after President Zuma took office, Moscow attempted to make inroads into Africa, all the while capitalizing on a South African leader who had extensive Soviet Bloc connections.
Inside Kenya's Inability to Fight Corruption,[52] which was published by Africa Centre for Open Governance (AfriCOG) highlighted the issue, outlining why President Uhuru Kenyatta's anti-corruption measures were not working.
