In 1944, he joined the Services Reconnaissance Department (SRD), an underground movement based in Jesselton (present day Kota Kinabalu).
[3] Ningkan returned to Betong and established the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) on 10 April 1961, by uniting the Iban people of Saribas.
[5] In the election, SNAP under the Sarawak Alliance managed to get the majority of local council seats (i.e., after the support of one independent winner from Binatang by the name of Jimbat Anak Intan from Meradong Scheme B tipped the balance of the number of seats won by the Sarawak Alliance and the opposition pact of SUPP and PANAS).
This crucial support, plus other independents, enabled the Alliance to appoint a majority of divisional, state assembly, and parliamentary members.
Supreme Council (equivalent to Sarawak government cabinet today) was also formed with members such as Abdul Taib Mahmud, James Wong Kim Ming, Dunstan Endawie Enchana, Awang Hipni Pengiran Anu and Teo Kui Seng.
The aim of these bills were to develop the NCR lands for large-scale plantations by landless Chinese farmers, thus helping to combat communist insurgency at that time.
In the news, the bill was reported to be withdrawn on "strong opposition by Malays and Dayak communities", without any mention of withdrawal of BARJASA and PESAKA from the Sarawak Alliance.
[4] On 18 May, Ningkan was supposed to fly to Kuala Lumpur to attend a roundtable meeting with the prime minister of Malaysia Tun Abdul Razak and four other PESAKA leaders to solve the Sarawak government crisis.
[4] The three principal advisers for Stephen Kalong Ningkan were Ting Tung Ming, Tony Shaw, and John Pike.
Ningkan explained in April 1966 that "we have men ready for all the top posts ... if I am able to obtain 100% support from the federal government in giving away money ... then I can ... let them go with compensation".
Stephen Yong Kuet Tze, the then SUPP secretary-general, proposed revising the terms of Sarawak's incorporation into Malaysia.
He also told SUPP not to make any suggestions "that will distract the people from our immediate goal of destroying internal communist subversion.
[7] On February 1966, Tunku Abdul Rahman visited Kapit and persudaded the Iban population there to accept the Malay language as the medium of communication.
[2] He suggested to the Malaysian federal government that the introduction of the Malay language should be deferred from 1967 to 1973, which is a grace period of 10 years after the formation of Malaysia.
The governor of Sarawak, Abang Haji Openg, together with Temenggong Jugah, Taib Mahmud, and other dissident politicians went to Kuala Lumpur on 13 June for a meeting.
On 14 June, Tunku Abdul Rahman, said he received a letter from the majority of the Council Negri members asking Ningkan to resign.
[4][10] Since the procedure of a vote of no confidence in the Council Negri was the only proper way of removing a chief minister from office, Ningkan refused to resign.
[4] Undeterred by Ningkan's show of strength, the Alliance Party in Kuala Lumpur nominated Tawi Sli as the next chief minister on 15 June.
On 17 June, governor Abang Haji Openg announced that Ningkan and all of his Supreme Council members ceased to hold office and Tawi Sli was appointed as the new chief minister.
[10] Yang di-Pertuan Agong announced on 14 September that a state of emergency was proclaimed in Sarawak under Article 150 of Constitution of Malaysia.
[12] This action enabled the federal government unilaterally amended the Sarawak Constitution to give the power to the state's governor to commence the Council Negri meeting.
[4][12] A vote of non-confidence was passed in the Council Negri on 23 September 1966, and this resulted in the removal of Ningkan from the chief minister's office for the second time.
[14] On 1 December 1967, Ong Hock Thye, chief judge of Malaya determined that Yang di-Pertuan Agong has the absolute power to decide on the declaration of emergency, the parliament of Malaysia has the power the amend the constitution of Sarawak based on Article 150 of the federal constitution without consulting the governor of Sarawak.
[12] Dissatisfied withe the federal court judgement, Ningkan brought the case to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
"[4][15] Alastair Morrison, an expatriate information officer serving in Sarawak, commented that Ningkan style of politics has offended many people as other native members (bumputera) of the Sarawak Alliance felt that Ningkan was too closely linked to Chinese business interests and also had a competing interest in timber licenses.
[4] Alastair Morrison also said that "the chief minister ... became estranged from much native opinion through his often autocratic behaviour" and "his personal conduct continued to give offense; his popularity and standing declined".