In 2024, the Democratic National Committee voted to adopt new rules that allowed superdelegates to vote during the signature collection and on the first ballot of a virtual roll call for the presidential nomination, even without a candidate securing a majority of the convention's delegates using only pledged delegates, which were earned by the candidate during the primary process.
"[5] Democratic superdelegates are formally described (in Rule 9.A) as automatic (or unpledged) party leader and elected official (PLEO) delegates; each falls into one or more of the following categories based on other positions they hold:[6][7] Because the number of superdelegates depends on the number of Democratic members of Congress and Democratic governors, the exact number of superdelegates may change during the primary season (ahead of the convention) due to officials' deaths, resignations, or special elections.
[21][22] These are large city mayors, state legislative leaders, and county party officials who are pledged to a certain candidate; like the statewide at-large delegates, pledged PLEO delegates are allocated proportionally to presidential candidates based on the statewide primary or caucus vote.
[24][25] By contrast, statewide pledged delegates are usually proportionally reallocated to candidates still in the race at the time when the states formally elect their delegates: this typically takes place at a statewide convention held after the primary or caucus, but before the national convention in mid-summer.
[28] However, after Democratic nominee George McGovern lost in a landslide to Richard Nixon in 1972,[27] and after a decisive fight over the rules at the 1980 convention between supporters of Jimmy Carter and supporters of Edward M. Kennedy,[29] followed by Carter's defeat by Ronald Reagan in 1980,[27] the party changed its nominating rules again.
[28] This partial reversal of the trend toward grassroots control was supported by mainstream party leaders in Congress, as well as organized labor.
The remaining positions were left to the state parties to fill with priority given to governors and big-city mayors, led by Democrats and based on population.
In the 1984 election, the major contenders for the presidential nomination were Gary Hart, Jesse Jackson, and Walter Mondale.
Entering the final handful of primaries on June 5, Mondale was leading Hart in the delegate count, with Jackson far behind.
The battle for delegates became more dramatic that night when Hart won three primaries, including the big prize of California in a cliffhanger.
In 1988, a study found that delegates selected through the primary and caucus process were not substantively different from superdelegates in terms of issue viewpoints.
[37] At the 2008 Democratic National Convention, the superdelegates made up approximately one-fifth of the total number of delegates.
The closeness of the race between the leading contenders, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, led to speculation that the superdelegates would play a decisive role in selecting the nominee, a prospect that caused unease among some Democratic Party leaders.
[38] Obama led in pledged delegates at the end of voting in the state contests while not winning enough to secure the nomination without the superdelegates.
[56] Sanders continued to campaign after the last Democratic primary, unsuccessfully seeking to persuade superdelegates to switch their allegiance to him;[46][57] ultimately, he conceded the race and endorsed Clinton on July 12, 2016.
[46] On July 23, 2016, ahead of the 2016 Democratic National Convention, the 2016 DNC Rules Committee voted overwhelmingly (158–6) to adopt a superdelegate reform package.
[63] Perez and Deputy DNC Chair Keith Ellison co-authored an op-ed for CNN, announcing that the party would make a "significant" cut in the number of superdelegates who vote to decide on the presidential nominee.
[66] The plan, which was endorsed by DNC chair Tom Perez, former DNC chair Howard Dean, and other party leaders, passed by an overwhelming margin; the New York Times noted that the compromise was a "rare mind meld between the Democratic establishment and progressive activists who have often chided the party's elite.
[66][67] The Democratic National Committee held a virtual nomination vote in the first week of August 2024 to select its nominee for president.
[70] The votes of superdelegates have never actually determined the Democratic nominee,[71][72] although in 1984 they may have helped Walter Mondale win on the first ballot at the convention.
Susan Estrich argued in 2008 that superdelegates have more power than other delegates because of their greater freedom to vote as they wish beginning with the first ballot.
"[75] Prominent Democratic strategists Bob Shrum and Bill Carrick have also opposed superdelegates, and called for them to be dropped from the nominating process.
[77] Author Jonathan Rauch and political scientist Ray La Raja argued in 2019 that the U.S. has given too much power to primary voters, and that this inflicts harms to democracy.
They argue that "the role of superdelegates in the Democratic nomination process could be strengthened instead of weakened" and that this form of early vetting was positive, suggesting that this formal form of the "invisible primary" can be a positive force to counter-balance populism "by restoring the Madisonian pillars of pluralism, checks on power, and deliberative institutions.
"[78] In February 2016, U.S. Representative Debbie Wasserman Schultz, chair of the Democratic National Committee, defended the role of superdelegates in an interview with Jake Tapper, arguing that unpledged delegates ensure "that party leaders and elected officials don't have to be in a position where they are running against grass-roots activists" and minimizes competition between the two groups.