Owing to von Thadden's effective leadership the NPD achieved success in the late 1960s, winning local government seats across West Germany.

[31] Helping pave the way for these NPD gains were an economic downturn, frustrations with the emerging leftist youth counter-culture, and the emergence of a tripartite Grand Coalition among the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Social Union (the CDU's present-day sister party), and the centre-left Social Democratic Party (SPD).

However, the petition was rejected in 2003 after it was discovered that a number of the NPD's inner circle, including as many as 30 of its top 200 leaders, were undercover agents or informants of the German secret services, like the federal Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz.

The court determined that so many of the party's actions were influenced by the government that the resulting "lack of clarity" made it impossible to defend a ban.

In May 2009, several state politicians published an extensive document[42] which they claim proves the NPD's opposition to the constitution without relying on information supplied by undercover agents.

[45] Hans-Gunter Laimer, a farmer who ran for office for the NPD, mentions his frustration that the German Greens groups has dominated the organic farming market for too long.

For example, Connolly mentions a representative of the Centre for Democratic culture in Mecklenburg who chose to stay anonymous in order to protect themself.

He also gave a speech in which he demanded a moment of silence be held for the victims of the bombing of Dresden in 1945 and called the Allies of World War II "mass murderers", stating that "Today we in this parliament are taking up the political battle for historical truth, and against the servitude of guilt of the German people...

[46] Udo Voigt voiced his support for Apfel's and reiterated the statement, which some controversially claimed was a violation of the German law which forbids Holocaust denial.

However, after a judicial review, it was decided that Voigt's description of the Allied bombing of Dresden as a "holocaust" was an exercise of free speech and "defamation of the dead" was not the purpose of his statement.

[48][49] The NPD's strategy has been to create "nationally liberated zones" and circumvent its marginal electoral status by concentrating on regions where support is strongest.

"[50] In protest, the NPD vowed to buy the tickets and turn up en masse at Wecker's show, which led local authorities to cancel the event.

"[52] This leaflet was never mass-distributed, but copies were confiscated during a raid on the NPD's headquarters, when authorities had been hoping to find material linking the party to Nazism.

Owomoyela, of Nigerian descent, had played for the Germany national team in the years before the World Cup and proceeded to file a lawsuit against the party.

Charlotte Knobloch, the head of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, said "joint hatred of everything Jewish is unifying neo-Nazis and Islamists."

"[62][63][64][65] On 24 June 2024, it was announced that two parliamentary groups consisting of members of the AfD and Die Heimat had been formed in the Brandenburg town of Lauchhammer and the district of Oberspreewald-Lausitz.

The formation of the parliamentary groups was supported by statements made by AfD chairman Tino Chrupalla, who emphasised that there would be no "firewalls" to other parties at local level.

[66] In 2011, authorities were reportedly trying to link the party, and specifically 30-year-old national organization director Patrick Wieschke, to the so-called "Zwickau terrorist cell".

It was also reasoned that outlawing the party would not change the mindset and political ideology of its members and supporters, who in the event of a ban could simply form a new movement under a different name.

[73] This prompted calls by the public for the proposal of a constitutional amendment which would forbid unconstitutional parties' financing to the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany.

In January 2024 the Federal Constitutional Court allowed the freezing of state funding for six years, saying that the party "aimed to undermine or eliminate the country’s democratic system".

[75] The German Federal Constitutional Court, in its verdict, considered the party's demand for a referendum on the reintroduction of capital punishment as anti-constitutional and incompatible with the liberal democratic basic order.

[14][15] It calls itself a party of "grandparents and grandchildren" because the 1960s generation in Germany, known for the leftist student movement, strongly opposes the NPD's policies.

The aggressive agitation of the NPD unabashedly aims towards the abolition of parliamentary democracy and the democratic constitutional state, although the use of violence is currently still officially rejected for tactical reasons.

Statements of the NPD document an essential affinity with Nazism; its agitation is racist, antisemitic, homophobic, revisionist, and intends to disparage the democratic and lawful order of the constitution.

[4] The JN are committed to the basic program of the party, but represent these points of view much more aggressively, which is evident both during demonstrations and in political style.

Among other things, they call for the withdrawal of German troops from Afghanistan,[85] describe Israel as the "enemy of all peoples", and refer to it as becoming a parasitic state.

Additionally, reports indicated that much of The Homeland's real estate assets were heavily mortgaged, potentially rendering them unusable as collateral for future party financing payments.

During the march, the party's members, dressed in black uniforms, waved NPD and American flags while shouting the Ustasha salute Za dom spremni.

The following day, the U.S. embassy in Zagreb reacted by publishing a statement in which they strongly condemned the march and rejected any attempts to connect the United States with Ustasha ideology.