Although some tonaries are stand-alone works, they were frequently used as an appendix to other liturgical books such as antiphonaries, graduals, tropers, and prosers, and are often included in collections of musical treatises.
The treatise form usually served as a bridge between the Octoechos theory and the daily practice of prayer: memorizing and performing the liturgy as chant and reciting the psalms.
[7] It was probably a coincidence that Pope Adrian I supported the Eastern Octoechos reform, but it is also evident that Carolingian diplomates present at the synode did not get interested in the communication of the modes by intonations called enechemata for the first time.
1240), only used the so-called "Byzantine" intonation formulas, as they were discussed by Aurelian of Réôme (Musica disciplina), Regino of Prüm (Tonarius), and Berno of Reichenau (Tonarium).
They were several different antiphons as they can be found in the Hartker-Antiphonary or the treatise collection of Montecassino (Ms. Q318, p. 122–125), but no one became so popular than a compilation of verses taken from the New Testament which started with "Primum querite regnum dei".
While the first generation of notated manuscripts became less and less readable until the end of the 10th century, the production of tonaries as useful appendix highly increased, especially in Aquitania, the Loire valley (Île-de-France) and Burgundy.
He knew them from the treatises Musica and Scholica enchiriadis which he copied in this manuscript, and thus he discovered a new way of using them: as an additional explanation or second pitch notation interpreting the adiastematic neumes.
Since 1001 he changed to the Abbey of Fécamp, after he was asked by the Norman Duke Richard II to guide secular and monastic reforms in the Duchy of Normandy.
Several Aquitanian troper-sequentiaries had a libellum structure which sorted the genres in separate books like alleluia verses (as the first part of sequentiaries and tractus collections), offertorials, and tropers.
He used the neumes of Cluny, the central French forms, without changing them, but he added an own system of alphabetic notation in a second row, which defined the pitches of the melody precisely according to the Boethian diagramm.
His fully notated tonaries were only copied in Brittany and Normandy, the Norman-Sicilian manuscripts rather imitated the libellum structure of the Aquitanian troper-sequentiaries, and only a few of them (E-Mn 288, F-Pn lat.
The Aquitanian innovation due to an analytical diastematic notation can be traced back to a 10th-century development which culminated with a systematic redaction of local manuscripts by a family of prominent cantors: Adémar de Chabannes was educated by his uncle Roger de Chabannes at the Saint-Martial Abbey of Limoges and this school redacted the first chant manuscripts by additional modal signatures and a remarkable production of tonaries, which Michel Huglo called the "Saint-Martial group" or the monastic tonaries of Aquitaine.
[25] Thanks to Aquitanian cantors the network of the Cluniac Monastic Association was not only a problematic accumulation of political power during the crusades among aristocratic churchmen, which caused rebellions in several Benedictine monasteries and the foundation of new anti-Cluniac reform orders, they also cultivated new forms of chant performance which dealt with poetry, and polyphony like discantus and organum.
An initial ornament called principium ante principium ("beginning before the beginning") in the Notre Dame school allowed the solistic organum singer to indicate the basis degree of the cantus by an individual intonation in the higher octave, while the finale octave of each section was prepared by an paenultima ornament, which had developed by the "meeting" (occursus) of chant and organum voice.
During this long period Cluny's power and influence on less and less successful crusades which were well reflected in certain chant genres like conductus and motet, caused a decline and an increasing resistance among the monastic communities of the Cluniac Association between Paris, Burgundy, Île-de-France, and Aquitaine.
[28] Nevertheless, they were established soon, as Bernard became one of the most important and powerful churchmen involved in crusade policies which clearly corresponded to the refused aristocratic ambitions within the Cluniac Association.
During Bernard's liturgical reform the tonary still served as an important tool and its modal patterns formed the basis of the corrections made by Cistercian cantors.
[29] The local liturgical traditions in large parts of Italy remained stable, because there was simply no written transmission which could interfere with any reform until the end of the 10th century.
The transfer was done by written transmission, and this explains certain cross-references which can be studied in detail by the notated chant repertory, but more easily by the copies and the local neumes used in tonaries.
Nevertheless, a lot of Italian cantors were authors of tonaries which played a key role during Carolingian, Cluniac, and anti-Cluniac reforms in France and Lake Constance.
As example, William of Volpiano from Piedmont, Guido of Arezzo, whose treatises were used during the Cistercian and Beneventan reform, while there is no source which testify the use of tonaries among Roman cantors.