[2] Fonte views humanitarian organizations as a threat to American democracy, claiming they privilege race and gender "categories and divisions" in their vision of humanity.
[4] He posits that the forces of "post-Western" and "post-democratic" transnational progressivism are competing against the traditional "nation-centered" liberal democracy—which includes "individual rights, democratic representation (with some form of majority rule) and national citizenship".
"[2]: 1 [4] Fonte said that the NGOs, who were not satisfied with the 1994 the United States ratification of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) because of the numerous reservations the US had applied, were asking America to abandon rights protected under the Constitution.
Fonte countered that this was letting down one's guard against the greater threat, an "alternative ideology" which he called "transnational progressivism"—a "hybrid regime" that was "post-liberal democratic", post-Constitutional and post-American.
Transnational progressivism, an ideology that "constitutes a universal and modern worldview that challenges in theory and practice both the liberal democratic nation-state in general and the American regime in particular.
[9] He is also concerned that non-citizens and ethnic groups will have greater power and status as this movement calls for a change in the "system of majority rule among equal citizens".
[10]: 189 Fonte said that the Standards altered the "traditional narrative" which featured European settlers to the United States" by including Amerindian and West African histories.
[11] By 2000, John Fonte, who was then at the AEI, became part of a group labelled as "new sovereigntists" by Temple University law professor, Peter J. Spiro in his 2000 his November/December 2000, Foreign Affair journal article.
"[20] In his theory of transnational progressivism, Fonte and his readers comment negatively on international organizations, including the International Court of Justice, the League of Nations, European Union, and the United Nations, purported political philosophies such as the cultural Marxism conspiracy theory, as well as related concepts or entities related to the potential of organizations to unite at a global level in a way that they fear would threaten liberal democracy in its current form.
Clueless" blog that he had published for several years in the early 2000s, he wrote that the underlying political philosophy behind "apparently disparate phenomena", such as the anti-globalization movement, the sustainable development movement, the International Court of Justice, multiculturalism, international human rights organizations, the European Union, the European Commission and other "elitists"—those Beste called, the "Berkeley Liberals", was a common ideology whose conceptual framework was revealed in this essay on transnational progressivism.
[25] The global citizenship concept, Burack cautions is part of a movement that "seeks to shift authority to an institutional network of international organizations and subnational political actors not bound by any clear democratic, constitutional framework".
[25] By 2003, this world citizen view was not yet "dominant among classroom teachers" or in textbooks, but he warned that it was already a "dynamic theme pushing the social studies field forward".
O'Sullivan likened the "international community—that comfortable euphemism for the U.N., the WTO, the ICC, other U.N. agencies, and the massed ranks of NGOs" to the diminutive inhabitants of Lilliput pitted against the United States.
"[22] In a 2018 CRB article, Fonte said that the Council on Foreign Relations was "central command for "liberal internationalism", more accurately described as "transnational progressivism.
[21] Yoo and Fonte criticized the CFR paper saying that it called for the reversal of the "Reagan-Thatcher fundamentalist capitalism" by "forging [of] transnational democratic progressive alliances".
[22] In his 2019 book, The Sovereignty Wars , the CFR's Stewart Patrick, said that the strategy of "American exceptionalism" is used by sovereigntists who cite the uniqueness of the U.S. to "keep the U.S. apart from international rules, treaties, or institutions that they believe might infringe on U.S.
Nemeth was concerned about the role of the transnational progressive movement in the alleged anti-Alberta energy campaign targeting the Athabasca oil sands in the Canadian province of Alberta.
She said that her "timely" report reveals the "nature, motivations, objectives, and strategies of the Transnational Progressive Movement to force or manufacture an energy crisis.
"[30]: 98 Nemeth is critical of the way in which the Canadian federal government, academics, NGOs—and the foundations that fund them—use the "rationale of climate change" to nurture this "new global paradigm".
[31] Scholars who contributed to 2008 edited book, Britain and Transnational Progressivism—edited by David W. Gutzke—were referring to the historical Progressive Era in the late 1890s and early 20th century in the United States, Western Europe, the British Empire, and Japan,[32]: 17 which was a period of activism and social reforms.
[3][Notes 3] In the military science fiction The Tuloriad series' Legacy of the Aldenata by John Ringo and Tom Kratman—who co-authored some of the series—the term "galactic tranzis" is used.
Kratman said that his use of "tranzi" was an allegorical reference to the "Transnational Progressive's apparatus and dream" which had to be controlled and ultimately destroyed to prevent a "rather unpleasant future".