He initiated several small-scale rightist political campaigns like the Konservativ-Subversive Aktion (KSA) and Ein Prozent für unser Land (One Percent For Our Country).

[2] Kubitschek joined the Deutsche Gildenschaft, a völkisch-oriented association of student fraternities, like his later colleagues Dieter Stein (founder of the newspaper Junge Freiheit) and Karlheinz Weißmann.

[3] In 1993, he was speaker at a Junge Freiheit summer school in Ravensburg, headed by the far-right publisher Hans-Ulrich Kopp and organised clandestinely by a FPÖ university students' association among others.

[6][7] In 1996, Kubitschek, as part of an organisation founded by himself, participated in protests against the Hamburg Institute for Social Research's exhibition about the war crimes of the German Wehrmacht.

As a response, the JF started a campaign in September 2001, appealing to the Bundeswehr to revoke its decision and protesting against categorising their activity as right-wing extremist.

[24] While his companion Dieter Stein, the JF's chief editor, has rejected the label Neue Rechte (New Right) as impractical,[25] Kubitschek has actively used the term.

[26] Whereas Stein is said to favour developing the JF along the lines of a pragmatic national-conservatism, Kubitschek is closer to traditionally metapolitical views, supported by his colleagues Martin Lichtmesz and Manfred Kleine-Hartlage.

[31] Kubitschek's activities were deemed by Endstation Rechts (a Young Social Democrat watchdog of the far-right) to be "non-extremist" in 2010, but explicitly without excluding historical revisionism.

[35] Likewise, Armin Pfahl-Traughber, another German scholar of extremism, said in 2008 that "the differences are less in their animosity towards the norms of the democratic constitutional state but more in regard to methods and target groups.

In 2005, he accepted an invitation to the summer convention of their youth chapter at Mainz-Kostheim[37] where he gave a talk amongst other members of European rightist parties like the Austrian FPÖ and the Belgian Vlaams Belang.

[38] Both Kubitschek and his wife applied for membership in the Saxony-Anhalt section of the newly formed AfD party (variously termed national-conservative or right-wing populist).

[42] According to Pfahl-Traughber, Kubitschek is part of Höcke's "political friends", whose state party chapter facilitated "German-nationalist voices with clear orientations in a far-right direction.

"[46] According to the sociologist Alexander Häusler, he is "one of the authoritative actors of the action-oriented Right which tries to draw attention to right-wing politics with actions in the streets and provocations of völkisch content.

[54] Well-publicised, provocant actions of KSA have been the disruption of a Berlin convention of a socialist students' association in May 2008;[55] of a speech by Egon Krenz, a former GDR apparatchik, in June 2008; of a reading by Nobel Prize-winning writer Günter Grass in August 2008;[56][57] of a discussion forum with Green politician Daniel 'Red Danny' Cohn-Bendit and moderate conservative Armin Laschet in November 2009;[58] and a demonstration in black shirts against chancellor Merkel's participation in a memorial service for the end of World War I in France.

[59] According to political scientist Gideon Botsch (2012), Kubitschek's fascination with the "activism and voluntarism of radical left-wing currents" exerted a strong influence on the KSA.

"[61] For the 50th edition of his journal Sezession, Kubitschek and Felix Menzel, chief editor of the right-wing youth magazine Blaue Narzisse (Blue Narcissus), organised the zwischentag (roughly: between-day, inter-day) fair that took place on 6 October 2012 in Berlin, attracting more than 700 visitors and many organisations, artists and businesses from the Neue Rechte orbit,[62][63] including right-wing extremists.

[73] In January, he presented a position paper on "Immigration and Identity", using 'integration' as a combat term after the sociologist Annette Treibel-Illian had proposed that, for integration in a multi-cultural society, native people should also make an effort.

[77] The scholar of far-right extremism Olaf Sundermeyer concluded from his call for "civil disobedience" at a Dresden rally in autumn 2015 that he would elevate the "violent protest at Heidenau to an example for others".

[79][84] In February 2015,[85] Kubitschek appeared in Italy as a guest of Matteo Salvini at a mass rally of his party, the right-wing populist, regionalist and xenophobic Lega Nord, where he was introduced as a PEGIDA representative.

[86] In 2015, he was among the founders of the association Ein Prozent für unser Land (One Percent For Our Country), together with Compact chief editor Jürgen Elsässer and constitutional lawyer and activist Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider.

[92][93] Kubitschek frequently serves as a speaker at various events, e.g. in 2006 at the Preußische Akademie (Prussian Academy) of the Junge Landsmannschaft Ostpreußen[94] (originally the youth branch of the association of Germans expelled from East Prussia, now classified as right-wing extremist[95]), or with Burschenschaften (traditionalist student fraternities), esp.

[96][97][98] In 2015, he spoke at the Burschentag, a traditional fraternity convention in Eisenach, Thuringia, together with Wilhelm Brauneder, FPÖ member and former president of the National Council of Austria.

[99] Furthermore, in 2011, Kubitschek appeared as a speaker at a readers' meeting of the Lesen & Schenken publishing house, owned by far-right extremist Dietmar Munier.

[105] Most of Kubitschek's books are published by Antaios, e.g. Deutsche Opfer, fremde Täter (German victims, foreign offenders) about crime and ethnicity, a collaboration with Michael Paulwitz, deemed to be close to the Idenititarians.

[106] The book's political ideas (among them Deutschfeindlichkeit, i.e. Germanophobia, associated with the far-right[107]) are said to be close to the nationally liberated zone (a concept by the NPD's youth wing) and to the Italian CasaPound movement.

[109] Kellershohn claimed that Kubitschek's book Provokation (2007) would develop the "ideological background" for the IfS's envisioned "strategy of seizing [mental] territory"[108] by imagining a 'proto-civil war'[110][111] in a progressing multicultural society.