War of the Keys
The return of the emperor in June quashed the rumours spread by papal agents that he was dead and caused a rapid reversal of fortunes.
They generally view the war as the fault of Frederick for refusing to respect papal territory, but do not blame the emperor for delaying his crusade.
[19] The absence of the emperor on crusade provided the perfect opportunity and, in August, Gregory released both Frederick's imperial and Sicilian subjects from their oaths of obedience.
Although Frederick believed that Gregory also wanted to replace him on the Sicilian throne with one of his pliable young sons, the pope intended to dissolve the kingdom and rule it directly through papal governors.
[28] Richard of San Germano describes the papal army as "enemies bearing the sign of the keys" (clavigeros hostes)[29] and clavesignati ('key-signed'), a play on crucesignati (cross-signed), which was the common term for crusaders.
[34] Gregory was still trying to raise troops as late as June 1229, when he asked the infante Peter of Portugal to bring knights to Italy to fight Frederick.
[26] On 21 December 1228, when Gregory wrote to King Eric XI of Sweden requesting financial aid, he confirmed that his forces were already divided into three armies.
[44] He levied tithes, the so-called "crusade tenth", from France, England, Wales, Scotland, Ireland, Denmark, Sweden, northern Italy and eastern Europe.
[53] To meet the pope's demands, many prelates pawned their plate and their vestments, fearing Stephen's power to excommunicate nonpayors or those who defrauded the Holy See.
[60] The Annales placentini gibellini records that the north Italian troops began returning home after learning of Frederick's landing at Brindisi in June 1229.
[58] He forwarded to the rectors the dispatches of John of Brienne and Giovanni Colonna, sealed with the papal bull, to demonstrate the army's desperation.
[63] Just before departing from Brindisi on his crusade, Frederick named Rainald as his bailiff (regent) in Sicily and as imperial vicar in the disputed territories in central Italy.
[71] In early 1229, Rainald bought the support of four towns in the march of Ancona by issuing privileges to Osimo, San Ginesio, Ripatransone and Recanati.
San Giovanni Incarico under Bartholomew of Supino and Pastena under Robert of Aquila quickly capitulated, but John of Poli successfully defended Fondi and Pandulf pulled back to Ceprano.
[75] After these initial losses, the Sicilian army commanded by the chief justiciar, Henry of Morra, put up stiff resistance for two months.
[33] Papal mercenaries invaded the Terra Sancti Benedicti, the territory of the abbey of Monte Cassino, capturing Piedimonte and meeting little resistance.
Henry of Morra responded with punitive attacks on Beneventan territory in the vicinity of Santa Maria di Porta Somma.
[70] At the high point of the campaign, Gregory tried to exercise authority over the island of Sicily, granting privileges and demanding the remittance of taxes.
[33] Frederick was still in Apulia, at Barletta, on 23 August, when he wrote a letter to Fakhr al-Dīn ibn al-Shaykh, the former Ayyubid ambassador, describing the pope's campaign against him (and singling out the treachery of the abbot of Monte Cassino).
[36] In contrast to Gregory's flailing, Frederick struck a triumphant tone when he wrote to his subjects in the Kingdom of Italy on 5 October informing them of his rapid progress and requesting troops, horses and weapons to finish the job.
[97] Pelagius extorted a contribution from the local clergy by threatening to confiscate the entire wealth of Monte Cassino and the churches of San Germano.
It was only then, after the final "form of peace" had been agreed, that all sieges were lifted and most papal forces in Siclian territory, including garrisons, began to withdraw.
[98] On 10 November, Gregory authorized Cardinal Giovanni Colonna to absolve Frederick of his excommunication and informed the Lombard League that he had opened peace negotiations.
In a letter read before the English assembly, Gregory said: "we have begun to exercise the temporal power, gathering many armies with ample stipends for this purpose.
"[103] The Annales placentini guelfi, in defending the pope's decision, agrees with Thomas of Acerra that he took up the material sword because the spiritual proved ineffective against Frederick.
[106] In his anticlerical Clergue si fan pastor, Peire Cardenal denounces John of Brienne for invading Frederick's territory while the latter was in Jerusalem.
An anonymous monk of Saint Emmeram's wrote in a marginal note that there was "great anger" in Germany when the pope absolved crusaders from their vows on account of Frederick's excommunication.
[112][113] Some contemporaries saw the conflict as a "grudge match" between two old rivals, John of Brienne and Frederick II, who had previously sparred over the regency of Jerusalem.
[3] Modern analysis of the War of the Keys typically focuses on how the papal expedition fits into the history of the development of the political crusades.
[27][60] In his letter to Peter of Portugal, Gregory did heighten the spiritual element when he referred to the "service of the bride of Christ" (obsequium sponse Christi).
