In 1642, he tried to foment rebellion against the Spanish crown, with the aid of black and indigenous peoples, as well as creole merchants, but was denounced by a man he had hoped to recruit for his plan and arrested, languishing in the Inquisition jail for 17 years.

[4] He then received Catholic education from Jesuits in Dublin and London, and then at an Irish college in the great pilgrimage site of Santiago de Compostela in northwest Spain.

His participation in the Battle of Nordlingen in 1634 attracted the interest of the Count-Duke of Olivares, chief minister to Philip IV of Spain, who eventually helped him to enter the service of the King.

[7] Lamport had prepared a flattering memorial of Philip IV's most important political adviser, the Count-Duke Olivares and became a member of the court as a propagandist.

But there was the successful revolt in Portugal, throwing off Habsburg rule of the last 60 years, and placing John, Duke of Braganza as king.

Lamport languished in prison for eight years, but escaped for one day, Christmas Eve 1650, with his cellmate, one Diego Pinto Bravo, likely placed as a spy.

Rather than hightailing it to safety, Lamport attempted to deliver a letter to the viceroy and failing that, plastered the central area of the capital with accusations against the Inquisition.

[13] During the 60 years that Spain and Portugal had the same monarch, many Portuguese merchants, a number of whom were crypto-Jews (passing as Christians but practicing Judaism) had engaged in business in the Spanish Empire and were resident in Mexico City and Lima.

The Mexican Inquisition began intensely investigating the Portuguese merchant community which led to hundreds of prosecutions and ultimately a huge auto-da-fé in Mexico City in 1649.

What prompted him in 1641 to begin formulating plans for rebellion and independence in New Spain is not clear, but the writings confiscated at the time of his arrest indicate that he was informed about political philosophy of popular sovereignty.

When he was arrested 26 October 1642, there was a large cache of papers where he lived, which including a proclamation of independence, and other writings spelling out his political ideas and plans for rebellion.

A key point in his political thinking was that the Spanish crown lacked legitimacy to rule New Spain, closely following the reasoning of the likes of 16th century critic Bartolomé de las Casas.

He proposed for New Spain political sovereignty under the rule of a monarch with limited powers popularly chosen by groups who actively supported rebellion and independence.

From the mid-16th century forward, the crown had moved against the privileges of the Spanish conquerors, in particular putting limits on the encomienda, grants of the labor and tribute from particular native towns to particular Spaniards by ending their inheritance in perpetuity.

By retaining its silver, Mexico would be in a position to fund an army, increase prosperity, and become a major player in the world both politically and economically.

Residing in the viceregal capital, which had the largest concentration of Spaniards in that realm, Don Guillén nonetheless could and did have contact with the indigenous in Mexico City.

Don Ignacio was a bilingual native ("indio ladino")in Mexico City to institute a lawsuit against the Spanish official whom the community contended participated in the abuse of indigenous laborers in the silver mines of Taxco.

Don Guillén helped prepare legal briefs for the lawsuit, which is doubtless how he became familiar with the type and extent of Spanish abuse of native labor.

Don Guillén also envisioned a limited monarchy to act only by the assembly of "Indians and freedmen are to have the same voice and vote as the Spaniards",[24] thus ending the colonial "sistema de castas" assigning differential rights according to class and racial status.

Don Guillén was clearly convinced that there was enough discontent in New Spain to bring about a rebellion and then complete political independence and considered natives, creole elites, and enslaved black supporters for such an idea.

"[25] However, unlike the increasing absolutist policies of the Spanish crown, Don Guillén envisioned his monarchy as being limited and based on the people's concession of sovereignty to him, a contractual relationship between monarch and those he ruled.

[27] In Don Guillén's view, the Spanish control of its overseas empire was unjustified, following the century-old arguments of Bartolomé de las Casas.

However, once he consolidated power, he would rouse Mexicans to support a full independence movement and convoke popular assemblies, which would then declare Don Guillén king.

His own writings record the imagined public acclaim, "long live Don Guillén our Emperor, our King, and our liberator, Viva!