[1]: 200  This collective wealth insulated them from the economic ramifications of vocal opposition to desegregation faced by pro-integration businessmen and newspapers, and their husbands were not held accountable for the actions of their wives.

[1]: 210  The WEC responded by putting public pressure on white men in the community, lobbying business leaders and later publishing The Little Rock Report on the economic impact of the crisis.

[1]: 213  The WEC managed to achieve an evenly-divided school board in the election, though their role in the campaign and their organization of the slate was kept secret to avoid negative associations with the candidates.

In January 1958, the WEC began a newspaper advertisement campaign highlighting the adverse economic effect of the segregation crisis in Little Rock, building off of a strategy recommended by the Virginia Committee for Public Schools.

[7]: 303  By February 1959, Arkansas State Representative T. E. Tyler drafted a bill that would allow Governor Faubus to appoint three temporary members to the Little Rock School Board.

That action pushed the WEC to launch a door-to-door recall effort for the remaining school board members, including editorial writing and voter registration and mobilization.

[1]: 217–219 [7]: 443  The WEC became the workforce for STOP's strategic plans, gathering 9,000 signatures supporting a recall of segregationist school board members, circulating handbills, and mobilizing voters based on experiences in past campaigns.

[1]: 221 [3] Members of the WEC continued to work for education issues and to support campaigns of moderate integrationists in the South, offering advisory roles for similar organizations in Atlanta and New Orleans.