Yam (god)
He plays a role in a myth preserved in the so-called Astarte Papyrus, which is presumed to be an adaptation of western motifs, though not necessarily of the Baal Cycle.
In comparative scholarship, Yam's role in the Baal Cycle is often analyzed alongside other myths from the region focused on battles between figures representing the weather and the sea.
Historically the conflict with Tiamat in Enūma Eliš was seen as a close parallel, though in more recent scholarship differences between these two narratives and the respective roles of these figures have also been pointed out.
[15] Aicha Rahmouni argues that the full epithet should be understood as a reference to river ordeal, in which she assumes he played a role comparable to the Mesopotamian god Idlurugu.
[24] A figure whose name is written this way appears in the Myth of the Plough,[25] a text only known from a single late copy from either the Neo-Babylonian or Achaemenid period,[26] but she is female and has been characterized as dissimilar to Yam by Aaron Tugendhaft.
[4] In the standard list of deities, he occupies the thirtieth position, after the assembly of the gods treated collectively (Puḫru ‘Ilīma) and before ‘Uṯḫatu,[33] the deified censer.
[50]It has been argued that an incantation from Ebla in which the weather god, Hadda, vanquishes snakes with the help of Ammarik, might be an even earlier example,[51] but according to Daniel Schwemer no conclusive evidence in favor of this interpretation is available.
[55] In the beginning of the Ugaritic narrative, Yam is presented as El’s favored candidate for the position of the king of the gods, and he seemingly enjoys the support of much of the divine council.
[58] The interpretation of the latter remains a matter of scholarly dispute, though it has been tentatively related to Ieuo known from Philo of Byblos’ Phoenician History, a deity apparently worshiped in Beirut in antiquity.
[56] Yam is also mentioned in the passage which follows the description of El enlisting Kothar-wa-Khasis’ help, which focuses on Shapash, but due to the state of preservation of the tablet the full context remains uncertain.
[72] This lead researchers to compare them with other messengers known from Ancient Near Eastern religious literature said to possess similar qualities, such as the Mesopotamian god Ishum (“fire”), an attendant of Erra, as well as the angel from Exodus 3:2 described as a “fiery flame” or the seraphim, whose name is derived from the root *śrp, “to burn”.
[48] The meaning of the term describing Baal’s actions in Ashtart’s speech, bṯ, is uncertain,though “scatter” has been proposed based on a possible Arabic cognate, baṯṯa, and on similar phrasing of the later section of the text dealing with Anat’s victory over Mot.
[100] He proposes that incorporation of the conflict between Baal and Yam into a longer narrative necessitated his reappearance despite a possible earlier version simply concluding with his death.
[104] The section which immediately follows describes Baal hosting a banquet on Mount Saphon, possibly in order to celebrate Yam’s defeat, but neither the attendees nor its purpose are known due to a lacuna.
[124] It is presumed that the section of the plot involving Yam is fully resolved shortly after this scene, when Baal invites all the other gods to his palace, but due to the state of preservation of the tablet the exact circumstances are uncertain.
[137] A foundation inscription of Mariote king Yahdun-Lim mentions that upon reaching the Mediterranean coast (kišād ti’amtim), he made an offering to the sea (a-a-ab-ba), and his troops bathed in its waters.
[144][4] An offering made jointly to him and a hypostasis of Ashtart (ša abi) is mentioned in the text of the zukru festival (tablet Emar 373+) in a section dealing with the distribution of lambs, wine and various types of bread to deities.
[147] While later Aramean and Luwian artifacts from the same region, for example a stele from Tell Ashara (Terqa) and reliefs from Malatya in modern Turkey, have been interpreted as evidence for familiarity with the motif of a battle between the sea and a weather god, related textual sources do not mention Yam.
[157] She reacts to the request by weeping,[158] but eventually reluctantly agrees, and in a poorly preserved passage she laughs and sings before Yam, who questions her arrival: (...)Where have you come from, o daughter of Ptah, o furious and tempestuous goddess?
[159] A description of the battle is not preserved, though it is known that it occurred in the lost sections due to a line explaining that the text describes deeds performed “in order to fight the Sea”.
[159] An ostracon from Deir el-Medina inscribed with a hymn dedicated to Ramesses III (oDeM 1222), which favorably compares the pharaoh to Set and highlights his mastery over the waves of the sea, might also constitute a reference to this tradition.
[153] He also notes that the supplementary evidence she provides, a possible connection between Emariote Ashtart ša abi and Yam, is not conclusive, as while they receive offerings together in a single case, the epithet of the former deity might instead refer to a type of shrine (abû), to a month in the local calendar (Abî), or to the plural of the word “father”.
[171] The interpretation of the epithet ša abi as related to the word a-ab-ba (“sea”) has already been already rejected by Daniel E. Fleming in an earlier study of Emariote texts.
[193] The basis for this passage is unknown, and while it has been compared to an account of the consecration of Osiris’ body in Byblos in Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride, the location is not the same and a connection cannot be proven.
[194] The identification of Philo’s Pontos as a late version of Yam is supported by the account of his conflict with Demarous, corresponding to Baal, and by the analogous meaning of his name, which can be translated from Greek as “sea”.
[201] While the combat motif is shared by both myths, the Baal Cycle does not represent an example of a narrative focused on a younger generation of gods supplanting an older one.
[205] Additionally, the victory over Yam does not automatically make him the king of the gods, and he still must appeal to El to be granted a house like the other members of the pantheon.
[208] Brendan C. Benz has also argued that even the "chaoskampf" label is incorrect, as according to him the Baal Cycle does not revolve around a struggle against chaos, and Yam does not function as a force of disorder, but rather as a legitimate contender to the rank of king of the gods.
[210] Today the view that Baal Cycle is a cosmogony is generally no longer accepted,[211] and it is assumed that this composition and Enūma Eliš constitute examples of adaptations of a motif first attested in Mari.
[215] Meindert Dijkstra additionally notes the Hurrian myth of Ḫedammu, a sea monster similarly portrayed as an enemy of the weather god, can be considered a close parallel of the conflict involving Yam in Ugaritic mythology.
