[1] Balicki developed his original political thought inspired by the ideals of Aleksander Świętochowski from the movement of Positivism which was marked by the attempts at trying to stop the wholesale Russification and Germanization of the Poles ever since the Polish language was banned in reprisal for the January Uprising.

On 10 May 1883 Balicki was sentenced to four months' imprisonment in a trial brought before the National Criminal Court in Lwów against the entire Galician socialist organisation.

His talent as a draughtsman allowed him to earn money, for example, as the author of illustrations for the well-known "Atlas of normal human anatomy", published in 1891 by Professor Zygmunt Laskowski, dean of the Faculty of Medicine at the local university.

The beginning of a political breakthrough in his life was the acquaintance in Switzerland in 1886 with Colonel Zygmunt Miłkowski (literary pseudonym Teodor Tomasz Jeż), a veteran of the January Uprising associated with the democratic wing of Polish emigration.

If a foreign government ensured all political freedoms except national ones, would it cease to be a yoke, would the author [Kelles - Krauz] then sell the personal and public dignity of the proletariat and the independence of Poland for thirty pieces of silver with a party stamp?".

The plan of action regarding the establishment of a new organisation was written down by Balicki in "chemical ink on the reverse side of the album with views of Versailles that Dmowski took home".

From there he led the reconstruction of the "Zet" structures, which were broken up in 1894 after the arrests by the Tsarist police in connection with the organisation of demonstrations by its members on the centenary of the Kościuszko Uprising.

As explained by its director Karol Estreicher, the applicant did not meet the formal requirements (he did not have a doctoral degree from any Austrian university), and what was worse, "he had the opinion of a socialist".

"The Balickis' apartment in Kraków, in the Debniki district, was really a vestibule to the National Democracy temple, and its charm was such that it was impossible to turn back halfway.

According to Balicki, the consequence of the realisation of the socialist postulate of the nationalisation of the "means of production" would not be the liberation of workers, but the creation of "a host of state bureaucracy, endowed with enormous power".

Balicki emphasised in his treatise that "raised to the dignity of an ethical banner, the nation does not thereby become an end, capable of all means of sanctification; it constitutes only the conscience of the human citizen".

During this time, he led the development of the structures of the National League in the Austrian partition, but also in the Prussian district (in Great Poland and Upper Silesia).

Its main aim was to provide education in political and social issues, but it was also intended to serve as a place for the exchange of ideas between the still strongly conflicted "All-Polishers" and Kraków conservatives.

The political breakthrough of 1905 caused by Russia's defeat in the war with Japan and the outbreak of revolution in the Romanov Empire, as well as the fact that the most developed structures of the national democratic movement existed in the Kingdom of Poland, made its leadership move its main activity to the Russian partition.

As a member of the governing bodies of both the Party and the National League until the outbreak of World War I, Balicki focused primarily on journalistic and writing activity.

In this case, it was a matter of defining relations with conservatism and socialism, as well as a debate that had far-reaching consequences for the organisational cohesion of the All-Polish camp, as to who would be the main enemy and potential ally of the Polish cause during the upcoming clash of great powers.

The latter issue aroused most political emotions, and the anti-German option described by Dmowski in "Niemiec, Rosji i kwestii polskiej"(Germany, Russia and the Polish Question).

Like Dmowski, he separated his personal antipathy towards the Russians and their culture from the political benefits for the Polish cause that may be derived from joining the Entente against the German expansionism.

As early as in the pages of the All-Polish Review in 1896, Balicki wrote: "We belong to the West by history, tradition and culture, so the decaying influence of the eastern wind threatens us twice: our national and civilizational future".

According to Balicki, the basic mistake that the conservative loyalists made towards Russia after 1864 was to overestimate the significance for the Polish cause of the internal differences in political attitudes among the Russians.

However, the turn of 1905 - the weakening of Russia, the entry of the tsarist empire on the path of building a constitutional monarchy combined with the increasing expansion of Germany - created a new political situation.

Three years earlier, in the pages of a monthly he edited, Balicki had written about "socialist training", which "breaks characters and people in us, degenerates them, makes them unfit for fruitful civic work".

It is not any synthesis of conflicting class interests, but a separate sphere of life incommensurable with them, embracing language (not always, anyway), literature, art, customs, national character.

At the same time, he stressed that "any notion of democracy, not based on the principle of competence and talents of those who exert influence and hold power, is a simple misuse of the term".

In 1905 Balicki emphasised that the Polish nation, deprived of the state, "deported, destroyed, disorganised, and even outright exterminated mechanically and spiritually" naturally "had to be conservative".

The latter, on the other hand, was able to combine modernisation in the sphere of material civilisation with "an unshakeable traditional national organisation, beliefs, customs and the core of its forms of existence".

Jews - as Balicki wrote in 1912 in National Review - are a community "closed tightly in their own spirituality, too crystallized by centuries of one-sided and exclusive living".

However, they were caused by an article he published in 1908 in the pages of National Review entitled "Szymon Konarski's programme", which referred to an emissary of the Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polski (Polish Democratic Society) and the founder of an underground network in the "partitioned territories" in the 1830s.

This was undoubtedly caused by the combination of several factors: problems in his personal life (separation from his wife), growing coronary heart disease and the failure of the idea of forming Polish Legions in Russia.

In 1920, the Bolshevik authorities ordered that all coffins be removed from the church to be destroyed, and the bodies buried in them were placed (or rather dumped) in a mass grave in the Uspensky Orthodox cemetery.