Reinforced by allied Libyan and PLO troops, the Ugandan security forces launched operations to hunt down and destroy rebel stragglers, while initiating political purges against suspected Obote supporters.

Before the conflict could escalate into a full war between Uganda and Tanzania, the two countries agreed to a ceasefire under Somali mediation, and subsequently ratified a treaty in Mogadishu to defuse tensions.

[4] The coup resulted in a deterioration of relations with neighbouring Tanzania, as Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere withheld diplomatic recognition of the new government and offered asylum to Obote and his supporters.

[10] Following an armed clash between soldiers along the countries' common border a few months after the coup, Amin issued rules of engagement which clarified that the Uganda Army was only allowed to attack Tanzania in retaliation or if he gave orders to do so.

[11] Despite being opposed to Obote and his policies, Museveni and his small group of comrades subsequently decided to team up with the former president, viewing Amin as the greater threat.

When the Israeli government refused to provide weaponry for this plan, the Ugandan President responded by severing diplomatic ties and allying with anti-Israeli forces such as Libya under Muammar Gaddafi and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).

[18] Obote's plan for the invasion was complete by 10 September: First, the rebels would "borrow" an East African Airways McDonnell Douglas DC-9 and use it to transport 80 commandos to Entebbe Airport.

[8] The Voice of Uganda, the Ugandan state newspaper, claimed Tanzanian intelligence director Lawrence Gama was involved in the invasion's planning.

[22] At the same time, the TPDF supplied Museveni's force with guns and assisted them to conduct forays into Uganda to set up anti-Amin cells such as the "Temporary Committee" based in Kampala.

[17] On 14 September, Museveni was informed of the invasion plans by the Tanzanian defense minister who told him that trucks were already on the way to transport his rebels from their camp to the border.

Following his capture during the invasion, rebel Alex Ojera also told his Ugandan interrogators that the insurgents had been affected by tribalism, as Bantu, Acholi, and Lango militants distrusted each other.

Although the DC-9 was successfully stolen with support by the Tanzanian intelligence from the Dar es Salaam Airport, the pilot failed to retract its landing gear.

[30] In his attempt to temporarily stop at Kilimanjaro International Airport to pick up the commandos[19] on 15 September,[31] he landed at too high a speed, destroying the DC-9's tires.

A newspaper, the Uganda Argus, promptly ran an article titled "Pilot vanishes in DC-9 mystery", alerting Amin that a rebel operation was imminent.

[2] It was supposed to target Masaka,[25] about 1,000 fighters strong,[19] and led by Captain Anach[26] or Lieutenant Colonel David Oyite-Ojok[2][35] and Tito Okello.

[2] After being informed of the rebels crossing the Ugandan border, Gaddafi pledged support to his ally Amin,[36] and ordered an intervention force to be sent to Uganda.

Whereas the Obote loyalists were wearing uniforms and expecting an easy victory, Museveni's group wore civilian clothing to fight as guerrillas.

At 9 a.m. the Simba Battalion's second-in-command Yusuf Gowon raised the alarm at the Mbarara barracks, and ordered most of his troops to take up defensive positions.

[37] The western strike team of insurgents arrived at Mbarara at 10:30 a.m., where they destroyed a few roadblocks and an abandoned jeep before moving to assault the town's barracks.

[35] According to Rwehururu, the insurgents were routed at Kalisizo by a combined force, consisting of Simba Battalion and Suicide Regiment troops led by Lt.

[34] He publicly claimed that his troops had secured a copy of the rebels' battle plans, and falsely stated that the insurgents had intended to massacre certain tribes and professions.

[43] At Mbarara, an ad hoc court was set up presided over by Gowon; several suspected rebels were sentenced to death, although others were found innocent and freed.

[45] On 20 September, five Libyan Lockheed C-130 Hercules carrying 399 soldiers and military equipment crossed into Sudanese airspace in the attempt to reach Uganda.

[25] In response, Tanzania People's Defence Force (TPDF) commander Major General Mrisho Sarakikya denied any Tanzanian involvement in the rebel operation.

[5] The Ugandan rebel camp at Handeni was closed, and the Obote loyalists were resettled to Tabora in central Tanzania to live as tobacco farmers.

[56] There were numerous executions of suspected Uganda People's Congress supporters in the Masaka and Mbarara areas,[27] and many imprisoned opposition figures were also killed.

Several ethnic Baganda officers were forcibly disappeared,[58] while the President was publicly "lashing out" against Acholi and Langi soldiers, ordering them to "stop their dirty activities".

[51] Amin's popularity also suffered when the expulsion of Ugandan Asians proved to cause severe long-term problems, greatly harming the country's economy and international reputation.

[8][2] In early 1973, Museveni officially announced the formation of the "Front for National Salvation" (FRONASA),[61] while Obote reorganized and rebuilt his guerrilla force.

[64] Obote subsequently returned to power in the disputed 1980 Ugandan general elections, causing several opposition groups to take up arms.