Later, Avignon was sold to the papacy by Joanna I, Queen of Naples and Countess of Provence, in 1348, whereupon the two comtats were joined to form a unified papal enclave geographically, though retaining their separate political identities.
[1] For the most part, residents of the two entities never showed much open discontent with their status as subjects of the pope as they were granted special privileges such as little to no tax burden and no military service duties.
A big factor was that despite the long rule of the Italian Papal States, the people of the two entities were, as one early 1800s historian put it, "French by instinct, by language, by character, by nature."
This situation was opposed to the enlightenment idea of the harmonization of knowledge and practical reality, which caused Avignon, where state boundaries did not correspond with cultural and linguistic divisions, to be seen as a relic of medieval times in an increasingly rational and well-balanced political order.
More immediately, locals blamed popular deprivations due to poor harvests and the harsh winter in 1788–1789 on dithering papal officials, which forced large quantities of food to be imported from France.
However, on 21 April, the pope rejected all concessions given by Casoni, pushing most residents of Avignon to the recognition that change would only happen through union with France.
[11] By mid-1790, a sizeable military force known as the Avignon "patriot army,"[6] comprising approximately 3,000-15,000 individuals,[12] had been organized and led by Chevalier Patrice, with Duprat, Minveille, and Jourdan Coupe-tête[a] serving as his lieutenants.
In the wake of this event, troops from the sympathetic communes of Camaret, Lapalud, Caderousse, Saint- Roman, Vaqueras, Roussette, Mormoiron and Mazan marched to the town to lend their support.
Around 50 hardline counter-revolutionary small towns and villages of the Comtat refused to participate, and instead, on 14 March, organized themselves into a group called the "Union of St. Cecilia," which continued fighting.
[16] On 15 April, the army of the Union of St. Cecilia captured Vaison and put to death its mayor and his assistant, who both had close connections with the Avignon forces.
In response, a contingent from Avignon consisting of 1,500 troops supported by 12 cannons advanced towards the Union's territory, engaging in combat at Sarrian.
The army, convinced that their heated shots had taken effect and that the cries were those of despair, triumphantly advanced to force their way into the place, when a masked battery suddenly poured upon them a barrage of grapeshot, driving them back to camp.
[21] In Spring 1791, with the rejection of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and the threat of violence spreading into neighbouring departments, the French National Assembly intervened to resolve the conflict.
[24] On 23 August, extremists organised by Jourdan returned to Avignon under Duperat and couped the moderate city council and took control of the Palais des Papes.
The question of sending troops to Avignon was much discussed in the Assembly during October; and that body must share with the Ministry the blame of the unpardonable delay in their despatch both before and after the massacres, by which the lives and properties of respectable citizens were placed at the mercy of a gang of murderers.
However, despite calls for justice, those responsible for the massacre received amnesty in April 1792, leading to the victory of the Glacièristes faction in July elections, with Duprat becoming mayor.
[28] By 1793, Avignon found itself under the control of extreme patriots amidst the outbreak of the Federalist revolts in other southern cities against similar administrations.
While remaining loyal to the Convention, Avignon faced challenges from Marseillais federalists who advanced up the Rhône, forcing the Glacièriste out of power.