Khomeini was a high ranking cleric in Twelver Shi'ism, an ayatollah, a marja' ("source of emulation"), a mujtahid or faqīh (an expert in sharia), and author of more than 40 books.

Following the revolution, Khomeini became the country's first supreme leader, a position created in the constitution of the Islamic Republic as the highest-ranking political and religious authority of the nation, which he held until his death.

[36][37] However, perhaps Khomeini's biggest influences were another teacher, Mirza Muhammad 'Ali Shahabadi,[38] and a variety of historic Sufi mystics, including Mulla Sadra and Ibn Arabi.

As Sayyid Fihri, the editor and translator of Sirr al-Salat, has remarked, the work is addressed only to the foremost among the spiritual elite (akhass-i khavass) and establishes its author as one of their number.

[52][53][54] In the late 19th century, the clergy had shown themselves to be a powerful political force in Iran initiating the Tobacco Protest against a concession to a foreign (British) interest.

Upon his release, Khomeini was brought before Prime Minister Hassan Ali Mansur, who tried to convince him to apologize for his harsh rhetoric and going forward, cease his opposition to the Shah and his government.

[79] His movement emphasized populism, talking about fighting for the mustazafin, a Quranic term for the oppressed or deprived, that in this context came to mean "just about everyone in Iran except the shah and the imperial court".

Khomeini modified previous Shii interpretations of Islam in a number of ways that included aggressive approaches to espousing the general interests of the mostazafin, forcefully arguing that the clergy's sacred duty was to take over the state so that it could implement shari'a, and exhorting followers to protest.

According to the BBC, "these document show that in his long quest for power, he [Khomeini] was tactically flexible; he played the moderate even pro-American card to take control but once change had come he put in place an anti-America legacy that would last for decades.

He believed Shia and the significantly more numerous Sunni Muslims should be "united and stand firmly against Western and arrogant powers",[127] and also said: "Establishing the Islamic state world-wide belong to the great goals of the revolution.

[133] Although Iran's population and economy were three times the size of Iraq's, the latter was aided by neighboring Persian Gulf Arab states, as well as the Soviet Bloc and Western countries.

The Persian Gulf Arabs and the West wanted to be sure the Islamic revolution did not spread across the Persian Gulf, while the Soviet Union was concerned about the potential threat posed to its rule in central Asia to the north; however, Iran had large amounts of ammunition provided by the United States of America during the Shah's era and the United States illegally smuggled arms to Iran during the 1980s despite Khomeini's anti-Western policy (see Iran–Contra affair).

During the war, the Iranians used human wave attacks (people walking to certain death included child soldiers),[134][135] with Khomeini promising that they would automatically go to paradise—al Janna—if they died in battle.

"[140] In an interview with Gareth Porter, Mohsen Rafighdoost, the eight-year war time minister of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, disclosed how Khomeini had opposed his proposal for beginning work on both nuclear and chemical weapons by a fatwa which had never been made public in details of when and how it was issued.

The fatwā has also been attacked for violating the rules of fiqh by not allowing the accused an opportunity to defend himself, and because "even the most rigorous and extreme of the classical jurist only require a Muslim to kill anyone who insults the Prophet in his hearing and in his presence.

[153] According to Janet Afari, "the newly established regime of Ayatollah Khomeini moved quickly to repress feminists, ethnic and religious minorities, liberals, and leftists – all in the name of Islam.

"[157][158][159][160] A mere three weeks after assuming power, under the pretext of reversing the Shah's affinity for westernization and backed by a vocal conservative section of Iranian society, he revoked the divorce law.

As part of the campaign to "cleanse" the society,[165] these courts executed over 100 drug addicts, prostitutes, homosexuals, rapists, and adulterers on the charge of "sowing corruption on earth".

"[172] Other factors include the long war with Iraq, the cost of which led to government debt and inflation, eroding personal incomes, and unprecedented unemployment,[177] ideological disagreement over the economy, and "international pressure and isolation" such as US sanctions following the hostage crisis.

[181][182] In a talk at the Fayzieah School in Qom on 30 August 1979, Khomeini warned his opponents: "Those who are trying to bring corruption and destruction to our country in the name of democracy will be oppressed.

[184][185] The Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and his family left Iran and escaped harm but hundreds of former members of the overthrown monarchy and military were executed by firing squads, with exiled critics complaining of "secrecy, vagueness of the charges, the absence of defense lawyers or juries", or the opportunity of the accused "to defend themselves".

[188][191] In the 1988 executions of Iranian political prisoners,[192][193][194] following the People's Mujahedin of Iran's unsuccessful attack, known as Operation Mersad, against Iran from Iraq and their support of Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war, Khomeini issued an order to judicial officials to judge every Iranian political prisoner (mostly but not all Mujahedin),[195] and kill those judged to be apostates from Islam (mortad) or "waging war on God" (moharebeh).

Large numbers of Iranians took to the streets to publicly mourn his death and in the scorching summer heat, fire trucks sprayed water on the crowds to cool them.

[218][219] According to Iran's official estimates, 10.2 million people lined the 32-kilometre (20 mi) route to Tehran's Behesht-e Zahra cemetery on 11 June 1989, for the funeral of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

[257] One scholar, Shaul Bakhash, explains this contradiction as coming from Khomeini's belief that the huge turnout of Iranians in anti-Shah demonstrations during the revolution constituted a 'referendum' in favor of an Islamic republic, more important than any elections.

[121] There Khomeini and the Islamic Republic are remembered for the American embassy hostage taking and accused of sponsoring hostage-taking and terrorist attacks,[273][274] and which continues to apply economic sanctions against Iran.

"[275] Once in power, Khomeini took a firm line against dissent, warning opponents of theocracy for example: "I repeat for the last time: abstain from holding meetings, from blathering, from publishing protests.

"[277] In contrast to his alienation from Iranian intellectuals, and "in an utter departure from all other Islamist movements", Khomeini embraced international revolution and Third World solidarity, giving it "precedence over Muslim fraternity".

There will rally to him people resembling pieces of iron, not to be shaken by violent winds, unsparing and relying on God" was repeated in Iran as a tribute to Khomeini.

[310] His image was as "absolute, wise, and indispensable leader of the nation":[311] The Imam, it was generally believed, had shown by his uncanny sweep to power, that he knew how to act in ways which others could not begin to understand.