Even though according to Moura the quilombagem had as its organizational center the quilombo where escaped slaves sought refuge in addition to all sort of individuals excluded and marginalized by society during the colonial era, the quilombagem comprised "other forms of individual or collective protests" such as insurrections (the most notable one being in Salvador in 1835) and bandoleirismo, a guerrilla tactic in which groups of escaped slaves organized themselves to attack groups of people and travelers on the roadways (Moura, 1989).
Even though there existed exceptions like the Republic of Palmares which lasted for almost a century, most of the quilombola movements did not have the means to resist for long against the oppressive mechanism of the state.
One of the most fervent believers of this movement was José do Patrocínio who sought to mobilize ex-slaves to defend the monarchy who had been threatened by the surge in groups who intended to establish a republic in Brazil.
This movement culminated in the foundation of the Black Guard (Guarda Negra), a kind of shock troop composed of "capoeiras and marginalized individuals" whose principal function was to disperse republican rallies through the use of force.
Since these practices did not occur in a social vacuum, Moura alerts to the fact that these groups did not conserve their original purity since they "suffered the acculturated influence (that is, whitening) of the dominant ideological mechanism.
Moura gives examples referring to the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro that from spontaneous popular manifestations during the first decades of the 20th century converted into a highly lucrative business for its directors that relied on official protection from the state.
With São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro as principal centers of mobilization, the Afro-Brazilian social movements began to forge new paths beginning in the 1910s in an attempt to fight for the recently acquired citizenship and transform themselves into national organization.
Established on September 16, 1931 due to a strong centralized organization in the form of a "Grand Counsel" of 20 members and presided over by a chief or boss (this caused it to be accused of being a Fascist movement).
Relying on thousands of members and sympathizers, the FNB had a featured role in the fight against racial discrimination, for example, having been responsible for the inclusion of blacks in the Public Force of São Paulo.
Nascimento was responsible for an expressive theatrical production that sought to boost "the consciousness of black Brazilians" and combat racial discrimination (Moura 1989).
Even though it emerged as an ideological assertion movement, the ACN did not neglect providing assistance to its members by establishing culture, sport, student and feminine departments, and even a Recreation Committee.
The MNU created Centros de Luta (Fighting Centers) in cities and town across Brazil to promote social activism at the local level.
[2] The MNU led to the creation of the first public body dedicated to the support of Afro-Brazilian social movements in 1984, known as the Participation Council And Development of the Black Community.
In 1989, a documentary, Ori, narrated by Beatriz Nascimento and directed by Raquel Gerber was released which explored the relationship between Africa and Brazil and traced the trajectory of the Black Movement in the country.