Christina of Markyate

Her mother told a story of "knowing" her daughter would be holy because a dove had flown into her sleeve and lived there for seven days while she was pregnant.

[3] A burlesque-tinged tale of the nocturnal seduction of Flambard's niece and her resulting forced marriage is also found in the margins of the Council of Westminster in September 1125.

Her angry parents arranged for Beorhtred to have access to her room, only to discover next morning that the two had spent the night discussing religious subjects.

On one occasion Theodora recounted the life of St Cecilia, who according to legend, was guarded on her wedding night by a vengeful angel.

As word went round of Theodora's plight, a hermit name Eadwine, with the blessing of the Archbishop of Canterbury, helped her to escape disguised in men's clothes.

[9] Medieval scholar Katie Ann-Marie Bugyis argues that both the image and text in the Psalter supported attempts by members of the St Albans community to "refashion Christina into a new Magdalene"[10] in order to legitimie her authority there and her spiritual direction of the monks who resided there, and especially their abbot.

Bugyis goes on to state that the illumination, 'may open a rich tradition of religious women bearing Christ's good news through reading, copying, and proclaiming the gospels.

[13] As Bugyis states, "[Christina] clearly trusted that Margaret would not only be an attentive and patient listener, but also gave unquestioning credence to her account".

Bugyis states that the account in Christina's Vita is reminiscent, although not as explicit as the parallel with the Mary and Martha story, is also a re-enactment of the narrative in the Gospel of Luke about Christ's encounter and meal, after his death and resurrection, with the two disciples travelling to Emmaus.

[21] Buygis states that when the hagiography's author's account of the meal is "read through the hermeneutical lens of both stories, the reason for his narrative sleight of hand becomes more apparent: he interpreted Christina and Margaret's act of hospitality as a kind of eucharistic ministry".

Talbot's translation of the Vita, arguing that the text implies that one of the sisters, likely Margaret, placed the bread in the pilgrim's mouth, as is often done during Communion.

[22] In Bugyis' interpretation, "the meal she [Margaret] prepared and distributed to the pilgrim becomes more than mere food; it becomes a type of the Eucharist, and she becomes a kind of sacristan or priest".

[23] According to Bugyis, the writer of the Vita, as well as Christina and Margaret, were probably familiar with other artistic depictions of the meal at Emmaus, even though Bugyis admits that they interpreted the meal as a reenactment of the story,[24] but states, "Either way, the writer encouraged a eucharistic reading of this reading through subtle parallelism with the gospel's narrative.".

There Markyate Priory is said to have arisen through occupation of the hermitage of Roger, a former monk of St Albans, by a saintly recluse called Christina, for whom Abbot Geoffrey built a house.

[30] The Vita's existence and references to Christina in Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani still suggest interest in instigating such a cult in the 13th and 14th centuries.