Crime in Honduras
[2] Corruption, extortion, coercion, and drug smuggling also run rampant throughout Honduran society, preventing the nation from building trustworthy authorities like police, and severely limiting economic, social, or political progress.
[7][8] The decrease in murder rate has been attributed to multiple different factors, including agreements between criminal groups and the Honduran government; economic aid from the United States Agency for International Development, which funds crime-prevention programs; and the Mano Dura Laws, which were part of a no-tolerance crackdown on crime.
[9] More recently, Honduras imposed a state of emergency in December 2022 that enacted a police crackdown on gangs throughout major cities, following the success of a similar program in its neighboring country El Salvador.
[9] While this can be partially attributed to systemic corruption within Honduran police and military forces, it is also the product of extensive extortion efforts by organized crime bodies targeting the general population.
President Xiomara Castro has recognized the impact of gang extortion on hindering prosecutions, and has made it a centerpiece of her crackdown on organized crime.
[2] In addition to its very high overall murder rate, Honduras struggles as well with specifically targeted attacks against youths, women, and public figures—including politicians, journalists, activists, and judiciary workers.
Journalist David Meza was assassinated in March 2010; he investigated drug trafficking within Honduras and, according to the El Tiempo newspaper, received death threats in 2010.
As a result of organized crime, gang activity, and high rates of violence, boys born in Honduras experience a 1 in 9 chance of being murdered.
Weak domestic law enforcement institutions make Honduras a popular point of entry for drug routes through Central America.
[15] The CIA took "a close and friendly interest" in the coup as Paz, unlike Melgar, was a keen supporter of Nicaragua's Anastasio Somoza Debayle.
[15] Under Paz, the Honduran Army and the intelligence service received a cut of Matta-Ballesteros' profits in return for protection, as Honduras became a major shipment route for cocaine and marijuana from Colombia.
According to the "Selections from the Senate Committee Report on Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy chaired by Senator John F. Kerry", “the Honduran airline SETCO "was the principal company used by the Contras in Honduras to transport supplies and personnel for the FDN carrying at least a million rounds of ammunition, food, uniforms and other military supplies for the Contras from 1983 through 1985.
[19] In addition, corrupt politicians allow the drug trade to thrive in Honduras by taking bribes from gangs and cartels, ensuring a favorable outcome for these groups.
[21] The U.S. Department of Justice accused Hernández of “[bribing] law enforcement officials to protect drug shipments, [arranging] for heavily armed security for cocaine shipments, and [brokering] large bribes from major drug traffickers to powerful political figures.” Tony Hernández was found guilty of these charges and sentenced to life in prison.
[23] He was accused of similarly aiding cartels, alongside his brother, in return for bribes consisting of millions of dollars, which were allegedly used to finance his campaigns and further his own wealth.
The government's proposal to grant amnesty to officials who served under former President Manuel Zelaya has faced criticism, highlighting concerns about political immunity in the country.
The residents of these areas have reported to feel safer in these neighborhoods rather than in homicide hot spots, regardless of crimes like assaults, extortions or robbery still taking place.
[2] Overall, the root causes of violent crime in Honduras are multi-faceted, and include factors such as the impact of the transnational drug trade, pervasive economic inequality, political polarization, and systemic governance challenges.
[35][9] Other ways in which the aid has been distributed is through programs that identify children who present risk factors of joining gangs (such as a violent family environment, drug or alcohol abuse or being a victim of crime) and giving them counseling.
Another tactic has been creating centers that promote vocational training, these institutions provide mentors to Hondurans, teaches them skills to become barbers, electricians or bakers and then helps them to find jobs.
[26] In Latin America, governments have historically responded with iron fist security strategies to combat organized crime and gang violence.
Officials will implement tougher legislation and increase policing and mass detentions in order to show that there are consequences for joining these criminal entities.
Security forces such as FNAMP have allegedly colluded with criminal groups and other state institutions, further contributing to the persistence of organized crime and gangs in Honduras.
[37] In 2003, the Honduran government introduced the Mano Dura laws as part of a zero-tolerance policy aimed at reducing violence and strengthening public security.
[40] The perpetrators left a note claiming opposition to the death penalty, a major campaign issue in the upcoming presidential election and a large component of Mano Dura.
Another reason the Mano Dura policies have struggled to accomplish their goals is that the prison system in Honduras is not built to accommodate the increased volume of incarcerated individuals.
[41] Jaime Rosenthal's family owned Banco Continental, then the eighth largest bank in Honduras, which on October 7, 2015, had its assets frozen by the United States under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act on charges that they laundered money for drug traffickers.
[43] Specifically, the Rosenthal family has been accused by the United States for dealing with Cachiros, one of the largest drug transport clans in Central America.
The declaration temporarily suspended some rights and significantly bolstered police power, including by permitting authorities to restrict the movement and assembly of citizens, detain suspects more easily, and to conduct searches without a warrant.
National Police Director Gustavo Sanchez supported the expansion, commenting that “the suspension of rights was extended to municipalities where, according to our analysis, criminal groups have migrated to evade the actions of police and the state.”[48] The first month of the emergency measures yielded arrests of 650 suspected gang members, and there have been 356 fewer murders recorded during the first two months of the emergency measures than the same time one year earlier.
