This is in sharp contrast to Joseph Stalin's idea of "socialism in one country"; Trotsky felt that if a socialist nation-state was isolated, it would soon be destroyed by outside imperialist forces.
Hence it was the duty of revolutionists in all nations, even if they were opponents of Stalin and his regime, to defend the Soviet Union against any "imperialist" state, including their own fatherland.
Before World War II the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) had always received directives and funds from the Soviet Union via courier.
Immediately after the Pact, Georgi Dimitrov, chief of the Comintern, sent a ciphered message to Browder explaining that the CPUSA's line supporting the Pact was not fully correct because while it broke with President Franklin Roosevelt's policy of supporting Britain, France, and Lend-Lease aid, it failed to take the additional step of breaking with FDR's domestic policies as well.
He transformed the wartime tactic of national unity into a postwar strategy and argued the possibility that progressive capitalism, to save itself, would embark on policies favorable to the workers at home and to the Soviet Union abroad.
While formerly heading a Comintern liberation movement, after the war Tito broke with Moscow and insisted Yugoslavia was to be non-aligned with neither NATO nor the Warsaw Pact.
Tito called for "national unity" and "self-management" which enabled Yugoslavia to form relationships independent of the superpowers with other governments during the Cold War.
[citation needed] Named after its originator Mao Zedong, the ideology relies on militant, insurrectionary and populist strategies in movement organizing (people's wars, Cultural Revolution, peasant uprising, etc.).
This orthodox theory of Marxism relied heavily on a dialectical "force of history" that would bring about the "objective conditions" necessary for a proletarian revolution to succeed.