Državni posao

With only four years left before becoming eligible for retirement, he spent most of his career at the company—though, prior to joining the archive department, he had been the company's chief financial officer during the CEO term of his close friend Marjanović.

He lives with his grandmother at Pejićevi Salaši, a suburban hamlet on the outer city limits of Novi Sad, where they run a poultry farming operation, raising and selling small roosters.

[3] He often brings up Živan Berisavljević and Boško Krunić, top communist politicians from the Vojvodina provincial leadership who got removed during Yogurt Revolution, in positive light, considering them to be exemplary leaders and individuals.

Feeling cultural superiority over the people from other parts of former Yugoslavia, Čvarkov only occasionally makes an exception to praise the Slovenes, albeit not hesitating at other times to express his dislike of them, allegedly on the grounds of an unpleasant encounter with an olm — a species endemic to Southern Slovenia — which actually serves as a running gag throughout the show.

Teenage Torbica either commenced security management studies at the University of Sarajevo or he immediately entered the workforce, spending time in a series of low-skilled labour jobs.

He thus may have been employed at the Pobeda metallurgical plant in Novi Sad, spent two years in SR Slovenia doing road construction, worked in Šipad's wood production facility in Travnik, or even tried his luck as carpenter in West Germany where his uncle brought him as part of the gastarbeiter program.

Eventually, sometime during the early 1980s, Torbica ended up in Novi Sad where he got a driver job at the company, often acting as personal chauffeur to the upper management which at the time consisted of Čvarkov and Marjanović.

Though on surface he and Čvarkov share an antagonistic business and personal relationship with digs and strongly worded insults flying back and forth, they also have a bit of a friendship and are known to socialize outside of work.

He was an ardent supporter of the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) political party and its leader Vuk Drašković and an active participant in the 9 March 1991 protests in Belgrade.

He has been living with his wife Smiljka, a Serb from Zagreb, and their three children — sons Miloš and Milan and daughter Milica — in a Novi Sad studio apartment his retired Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) general father-in-law bought them.

Furthermore, on occasion, he acknowledges personal frustration over the perceived discrepancy in his and his wife's background and upbringing — the perception being that he, a rural guy with not much in way of material possessions, "married up" by managing to get with a city girl from a relatively well-off family.

Before coming to the company, Boškić worked as an entry-level employee (pripravnik) in another state-owned enterprise, Zavod za izgradnju grada (ZIG), where his brother held a management position.

With an UDBA-connected father, also a long time politically-appointed functionary under various authorities throughout the decades, the entire Boškić family is well-off as they continue to successfully navigate through various political changes in Serbia.

His harsh reputation precedes him thus often acting as deterrent to potential lawbreakers — though he doesn't shy away from employing direct violence either, personally administering slaps that can "wipe your memories".