[36] They then found refuge at the house of Inocencio Pina, who informed them of the repression against the local movement's activists and gave them a choice to remain in Zaragoza and join their struggle; Durruti, known to the group as the "young Asturian", agreed to stay.

He spent much of his free time educating himself on anarchist philosophy in Inocencio Pina's library, where he read the works of Mikhail Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin, finding that their respective radicalism and practicality balanced each other out.

[59] There he found Los Solidarios were discussing internal conflicts between revolutionary, moderate and Bolshevik factions of the CNT, as well as the political crisis in the national government over the ongoing Rif War.

He admitted that the news from Barcelona was discouraging, but he still believed that a revolutionary situation existed in Catalonia, due to the repression of Catalan nationalists and intellectuals, the continuation of the Rif War and the deteriorating conditions of the working classes.

[96] As he was living under the assumed identity of a wealthy Peruvian mine-owner, Durruti treated his comrades in the CGT to expensive meals at restaurants, where he gave them money to support the establishment of schools for children.

[102] But after a series of botched robberies against train stations by men with Spanish accents, the identities of Los Errantes were provided to the Argentine police by their counterparts in Chile and Spain.

[117] He told his family to ignore anything the Spanish press wrote about him, refuting every claim the "idiotic journalists" had made about his condition, and spoke about the support he had received from sympathisers in France and Argentina.

[157] They believed that the new Republican government would fail to make any radical reforms to existing socio-economic conditions, which would provoke popular discontent that anarchist revolutionaries could channel into a social revolution.

[161] He declared that the regime change had marked the beginning of a process of democratisation and predicted that, if the new government disregarded the political and economic demands of the working class, it would bring the country towards civil war.

[164] When Lecoin noticed that Barcelona was covered in posters from the Communist Party of Spain (PCE), but none from the CNT and FAI, Durruti reassured him that a few sentences in Solidaridad Obrera would be enough to mobilise their members; on the day, more than 100,000 people turned up to the anarchist rally.

[180] In articles for Le Temps and La Nau [ca], he wrote that he felt personally targetted by the manifesto and criticised its signatories for collaborating with politicians at a time of heightened political repression.

[184] There he was also informed by his sister that the Official Bulletin of Asturias [es] (BOA) had printed an order to arrest him for the 1923 Xixón bank heist, and that police had searched her home in León, looking for him.

On 8 December, Durruti informed his sister Rosa that he no longer needed her money; he had charged the Northern Railroad Company an indemnity for his dismissal in August 1917, which gave him and Morin 2,600 pesetas to spend on essentials for their daughter and furniture for their house.

In a letter to his family, he told them of the harsh conditions on the transport ship, including an armed confrontation with soldiers incited by a drunken officer, and chastised the government for subjecting him to social isolation.

He also mentioned how the islanders warmed up to his presence, having initially been under the assumption that the anarchists engaged in child cannibalism; he even met a woman from the province of León, who gave him books and offered him a place to stay at her home.

[217] By the time Durruti arrived back in Barcelona in September 1932, Catalonia had been granted a statue of autonomy and the CNT had definitively split, with its moderate and revolutionary factions falling into open conflict.

[246] Following a meeting between the CNT lawyer Eduardo Barriobero and Casares Quiroga, prisoners began to receive word that the governor of Cádiz was considering their release, although Durruti was notified by the local court that his bail had been voided and that he was still charged with insults and incitement.

[250] By the time Durruti arrived back in Barcelona, President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora had dissolved the Azaña government and called the 1933 Spanish general election, through which the right-wing was set to rise to power.

Ascaso believed that the Catalan authorities intended to stop the Barcelona CNT from taking in the Aragonese children, but Durruti rejected the possibility, thinking it would cause a public outcry.

Durruti subsequently travelled back to his home city of León and spoke at a local anarchist rally, where he warned the attendees to prepare for an imminent civil war.

[326] After the Popular Front won the election, Manuel Azaña's new left-wing government extended amnesty to right-wing military leaders, while limiting it for imprisoned members of the CNT.

[333] At a meeting of the Textile Workers' Union, Durruti resisted Garcia Oliver's proposals to create a paramilitary, which he believed would impose itself as a new authority and crush the revolutionary aspirations of the masses.

[340] At 23:30 on 18 July, Durruti, Ascaso and Garcia Oliver met with the Catalan Interior Minister Josep Maria Espanya [ca], who they attempted to convince to disarm the police and hand over their weapons to the workers.

[356] They made their way to the Casa Cambó [ca] on Via Laietana, where the CNT Regional Secretary Mariano R. Vázquez informed Durruti and Garcia Oliver that President Lluis Companys had requested a meeting with them.

[359] At the plenary meeting of the CNT which established the CCMA, Durruti and Garcia Oliver attempted to push for the anarchists to seize power, but their motion was defeated by advocates of collaboration with other anti-fascist political groupings.

[364] When the meeting concluded, Durruti and Garcia Oliver told the Stalinist politician Joan Comorera that they remembered how the Bolsheviks had repressed anarchism in Russia and that they would not allow the Spanish Communists to treat them the same way.

[399] When he asked Mariano Vázquez whether the CNT was becoming a bureaucracy, the Catalan Regional Secretary explained to Durruti that they were simply implementing the decisions of the grassroots and that workers' self-management still formed the formation for all economic organisation.

[404] Garcia Oliver responded that the decision had already been made, due to their choice to collaborate with the Republican political parties, and that he would have to remain in his position in the CCMA to give legal protection to the revolution.

[408] In November, having been persuaded to leave Aragón by the anarchist leader Federica Montseny on behalf of the government, Durruti led his militia to Madrid to aid in the defence of the city.

[419] Willem van Spronsen, an American anarchist who was killed in 2019 while trying to firebomb a fleet of buses operated by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) for mass deportation, used Durruti's surname as a part of his alias.