Education in East Germany
The majority of East German parents (85%) worked outside of the home which resulted in a significant need for childcare services throughout the country.
Throughout the history of East Germany, young women would serve or volunteer in crèches in order to have more of an influence in raising their children.
Crèches were able to support approximately 80% of young East German children with rates as high as 99% in several urban centres.
There was no teaching of reading, writing or arithmetic, but the fundamental concepts were taught to develop intellectual and motor skills.
Therefore, by allocating sufficient resources to the education system, East Germany employed a high number of teachers and educators, so the average number of students per class lessened from 26 in the fifties to 19 and less in the seventies, the high number of compulsory lessons were evenly spread throughout the six schooldays of the week, there was de facto no loss of class time because of ill teachers or shortage of teachers, the compulsory teaching was finished around noon and the afternoon was free for a variety of optional activities like elective teaching, study groups, project groups, children's sports and organised afternoon care for students in the lower classes.
Appreciated by parents were the so-called head marks (Kopfnoten) which assessed behavior, industriousness, order, and cooperation.
These were combined with a short teacher's essay about the student's character, success or progress, advice for future improvements - here and there from a socialistic point of view.
From the seventh year onwards, students visited a factory, power station or farm one day per week for 4 hours, depending on their location.
Vocational training was offered for every subject that was not taught at university, such as masonry, farming, accountancy, kindergarten teacher, nurse, mechanics, electricians, carpentry, butchery, etc.
Vocational training was split in practical work and theoretical learning which focused both on the studied subject of career, and ended with a certificate and a formal title.
Because after apprenticeship people went to national service, moved town, went to universities, changed jobs to work closer to home, etc.
First, they were designed to free mothers from traditional childcare responsibilities during the day, which allowed them to join the workforce and contribute to the state’s economic development.
[9] The curriculum emphasized collectivism, discipline, and loyalty to the state, aiming to produce citizens aligned with Marxist-Leninist ideals.
The dual purpose of economic productivity and ideological conformity was a cornerstone of the GDR’s vision for a socialist society.
Scientific studies have found no significant correlation between prolonged separation from family and mental health issues in adulthood.
[11] These critiques highlight the potential drawbacks of prioritizing ideological and economic goals over personal and familial development.
Despite these challenges, the GDR's approach to childcare demonstrated the potential for state-supported systems to address gender inequalities in the workforce and in society at-large.
Then fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent reunification of Germany marked many dramatic shifts in public policy, including the dissolution of the childcare collectives.
The decade following the fall of the Berlin Wall saw a decline in birth rates and widened disparities in childcare access, particularly for low-income families, as the transition to a capitalist economy reduced the availability of affordable care.
[12] In response, twenty-first-century reforms, such as the “Good Day Care Act,” sought to expand and equalize childcare services across Germany.
[13] These reforms aimed to balance quality, accessibility, and affordability, building on the GDR’s legacy of comprehensive care.
By focusing on equitable support for families, modern policies reflect an evolving understanding of the importance of collective childcare to foster social and economic progress.
