This commerce was equally beneficial to the Muslim emirs and both sides showed a willingness to sign treaties partially based on the fear of interrupting these sources of profit.
In August 1257, John of Arsuf tried to end the war by granting commercial rights in Acre to the Republic of Ancona, an Italian ally of Genoa, but aside from Philip of Montfort and the Hospitallers, the rest of the nobles continued to support Venice.
The Haute Cour of Jerusalem was convened and Bohemond asked it to confirm the claim of Hugh II as next heir after Conradin, long absent from the kingdom.
Michael laid the foundations for the recovery of Byzantium in 1259 by his victory at the Battle of Pelagonia where William of Villehardouin, Prince of Achaea, was captured with all his barons and obliged to cede the fortresses that dominated the eastern half of the peninsula.
The consolidated army successfully completed the Siege of Aleppo in January 1260 and then the capture of Damascus in March, led by the Nestorian Christian Kitbuqa.
[13] Bohemond was given the port city of Lattakieh in partial exchange for the installation of the Greek patriarch Euthymius at Antioch, as the Mongols were trying to improve relations with Byzantium.
The Mamluks of Egypt then sought, and were granted, permission to advance through Frankish territory, and defeated the Mongols at the Battle of Ain Jalut in September 1260.
Before his death, Hulagu had been negotiating with Michael VIII Palaiologos to add a daughter of the Byzantine imperial family to his large number of wives.
Abaqa's transition to Ilkhan was slow, and was continually threatened by the Golden Horde, invading his territory the next spring as part of an alliance with the Mamluks.
Beginning in 1267, he corresponded with Clement IV and sent an ambassador to Europe in 1268, trying to form a Franco-Mongol alliance between his forces, those of the West, and those of his father-in-law Michael VIII.
[29] Baibars consolidated his position by fortifying the Egyptian coastal cities and forming alliances with Michael VIII Palaiologos and Manfred of Sicily to better understand the intentions of the Europeans.
After defeating his forces at the Disaster of Mari, Baibars ravaged the three great cities of Mamistra, Adana and Tarsus, so that when Hetoum arrived with Mongol troops, the country was already devastated.
[34] Safed, held by the Knights Templar, was positioned overlooking the Jordan River, allowing early warning of Muslim troop movements in the area.
[36] The loss of Cilician Armenia in 1266 isolated Antioch and Tripoli, led by Hethum's son-in-law Bohemond VI, and Baibars continued the extermination of remaining Crusader garrisons in the following years.
The years after Louis IX left the Holy Land saw an escalation of the military threat posed by the Mamluks with their capturing a number of Frankish towns and fortifications and subjected Acre to frequent attack.
The victory of Louis' brother Charles I of Anjou in the Battle of Benevento in 1266 brought the Kingdom of Sicily under Capetian control, finally freeing up French fighting forces.
According to the Chronica minor auctore Minorita Erphordiensi:In the year of our Lord 1266, Pope Clement sent out letters throughout the kingdom of Germany commanding the Dominicans and Franciscans to preach the cross faithfully and urgently against the Sultan of Babylon, who is the Pharaoh of Egypt, and against the Saracens overseas, so that the suffering of the Christians [there] might be alleviated and for the support of the Holy Land.
The response was less enthusiastic than to his calling of the Seventh Crusade in 1248, although its unpopularity may have been exaggerated by his chronicler Jean de Joinville, who was personally opposed to the venture.
The Gestes des Chiprois and works by Guillaume de Nangis, Matthew Paris, Fidentius of Padua and al-Makrizi also form the basis of the history of the expedition.
Clement IV and Alfonso X of Castile tried to dissuade James from a military mission to the Holy Land, regarding him as having low moral character.
Charles pledged that he would assist Baldwin II of Courtenay in recapturing Constantinople from the Byzantine emperor, Michael VIII Palaiologos, in exchange for one third of the conquered lands.
Conradin accepted their proposal and Frederick of Castile, a supporter of Manfred, was allowed by Muhammad I al-Mustansir, the Hafsid caliph of Ifiqiya (modern Tunisia), to invade Sicily from North Africa.
The 13th-century historian Saba Malaspina believed that Charles had persuaded Louis to attack Tunis because he wanted to secure the payment of the tribute that their rulers had paid to former Sicilian monarchs.
Also traveling with the king were his three surviving sons, Philip III of France (with his wife Isabella of Aragon), John Tristran and Peter I of Alençon, and his nephew Robert II of Artois.
The council approved plans for passagium generale to recover the Holy Land, which was to be financed by a tithe imposed for six years on all the benefices of Christendom.
[64] Abaqa sent a Mongol delegation to the council where his secretary Rychaldus read a report to the assembly, reminding them of Hulagu's friendliness towards Christians, and assuring them that the Ilkhan planned to drive the Muslims from Syria.
Bertran d'Alamanon, a diplomat in the service of Charles of Anjou, and Ricaut Bono criticised the papal policy of pursuing wars in Italy with money that should have gone overseas.
The death of Louis IX of France especially sparked their creative output, notable considering the hostility which the troubadours had previously shown towards the French monarchy during the Albigensian Crusade.
Austorc de Segret composed No sai quim so, tan sui desconoissens, a more general Crusading song, that laments Louis but also that either God or Satan is misleading Christians.
After the Crusade, the aged troubadour Peire Cardenal wrote a song, Totz lo mons es vestitiz et abrazatz (more or less: the entire world is besieged and surrounded [by falsehood]), encouraging Louis' heir, Philip III, to go to the Holy Land to aid Edward Longshanks.