Since 1999, after Octavio Paz’s death, he has directed Vuelta’s cultural heir: Letras Libres, with editions in Mexico, Spain, and online.

[7]He debuted on television in 1987 as the author of the series Biografía del Poder (Biography of Power), produced by the Film Production Center, and transmitted through the state’s network Imevisión.

The following year he served as an advisor for the series Mexico, produced by Public Broadcasting Service (WGBH) in association with Blackwell Corporation from Boston.

Editorial Clío, Libros y Videos, S.A. de C.V., was born in 1991 by the initiative of Emilio Azcárraga Milmo and Enrique Krauze as a project aimed at disseminating the past and present of Mexico that, in its name, pays tribute to the muse of history.

Originally conceived as a publishing house, since 1998 it began the production of documentaries that through its series Clío TV presenta and Hazaña, el deporte vive, reach hundreds of thousands of homes weekly through open broadcasting throughout the country and other national and international media.

[citation needed] Enrique Krauze published his first article in Vuelta magazine, directed by the poet Octavio Paz, in its first issue corresponding to December 1976 ("Cosío Villegas and Excélsior").

From 1981 to 1996 he held the position of deputy director, his participation being indispensable from an operative point of view since he dedicated most of his time to moving Vuelta forward as a company, which allowed it to reach a long existence by giving it continuity and economic independence.

[10] After Octavio Paz’s death, on April 19, 1998, Vuelta ended its cycle and Enrique Krauze undertook the organization of its successor: the monthly magazine Letras Libres, which published its first issue in January 1999.

Letras Libres has published 254 issues up to February 2020 (221 in the Spanish edition), which according to the magazine, “calls the brightest minds to tackle, in its pages, urgent and necessary subjects of global debate, and at the same time offers readers samples of the best prose and poetry.”[citation needed] Enrique Krauze has named himself a critic of power, of presidential power to be precise, that has been exercised itself in Mexico as authoritarian throughout decades.

In it, he criticized the current six-year term’s abuses, its rash economic policies, its irresponsibility by not admitting its part in the shipwreck, the “oil pharaonism”, the generalized corruption, and the lack of leadership during the crisis, marking Mexico’s only historical option to “respect and exercise political liberty, rights, and above all, democracy”.

If, as the examples demonstrate, democracy is not a bad vaccine against great corruption, the argument that a greater opening would delay the economic recovery also does not make sense.

The approval of these economic policies, however, was not the same in the political landscape: In essays, articles, declarations, and radio interviews, some of us insist on describing the obvious parallel [of Salinas’ government] with the Porfirian regime.

The book resonated greatly, although it was labeled as neoliberal by believers of a redeeming, benefactor, sovereign State, and, of course, held by politically correct hands.

Krauze became popular by sustaining his political opinions, which were, if not heretic, at least irritating at the center of a political and intellectual class numbed through Marxists dogmas, or by bureaucratic recipes fed by the PRI regime”[18]Historian Claudio Lomnitz has pointed out his biographic inclination: "The biographies of power written by Enrique Krauze argue that in Mexico, psychology and the president’s personality have determined the course of history”.

[22] Some of the historian’s critics, like Víctor M. Toledo, rated the essay as an “ideological montage made to generate fear” with racial prejudice: The essayist not only adopted a clear ideological and political position (and the sin is not in the entrenchment but the validity of his arguments), but also orchestrated a literary piece where the final message is once again the exacerbation of “tropical passion” as a cause of disarray, in this case, the supposed destruction of democracy, or to quote him: “the derailment of the democracy train”.

He devoted himself to attacking me: he labeled me as messianic because I expressed that Mexico needed a sharp renovation, a real purification of public life.

[28]Remembering the encounter during his third and final campaign, in May 2018, Krauze sentenced: "to my regret, I feel that the portrait I painted of him in ‘The Tropical Messiah’ has only been confirmed over time”.

The first was the accusation from Tatiana Clouthier Carrillo, López Obrador's campaign coordinator, in her book Juntos hicimos historia (Together, we made History) (Penguin Random House, 2019), of a campaign led by business interest groups and intellectuals to avoid López Obrador's rise to power through social media manipulation, in which Krauze should have been included.

[31] Krauze denied all allegations in the Reforma newspaper where he demonstrated that he was not in Mexico City at the time the anonymous source (later identified as Ricardo Sevilla) told of a personal encounter with the historian.

[32] President López Obrador seemed to stop this affair when he expressed: We don’t want the controversy, Enrique Krauze is a good historian, and he has a political view not akin to ours, but deserves all of our respect.

The complaint was due to the assassination of Giovanni López in the previous month, after being detained and beaten by the municipal police of Ixtlahuacán de los Membrillos, for allegedly not wearing a facemask during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown.

After separating himself from the crime (arguing that the municipal police was not under his control), governor Enrique Alfaro Ramírez accused president Andrés Manuel López Obrador and his party, Morena, of being behind the protests.