Politics of Eritrea
The People's Front for Democracy and Justice is the only political party legally permitted to exist in Eritrea.
[1] Since the National Assembly last met in January 2002, president Afwerki has exercised the powers of both the executive and legislative branches of government.
Independent local sources of political information on Eritrean domestic politics are scarce; in September 2001 the government closed down all of the nation's privately owned print media, and outspoken critics of the government have been arrested and held without trial, according to domestic and international observers, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.
In 2004 the U.S. State Department declared Eritrea a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) for its alleged record of religious persecution.
Those elected by the general population must include 11 women and representation of 15 Eritreans not currently living in the state.
Due to the nature of its environment, many Eritreans risk their lives to flee the country and reach the Mediterranean and Europe.
[10] The judiciary operates independently of both the legislative and executive bodies, with a court system that extends from the village through to the regional and national levels.
Although the source goes on to state that there have been female judges, there is no indication as to how demographic groups, such as women, have fared in the legal field.
[12] The Zoba Courts adjudicate civil, criminal, and Shari’a law, the last of which handles cases regarding members of the Islam faith.
[12] Given the large presence and popularity of militarization in Eritrea, the Military Court embodies an “enormous - and unchecked - judicial importance in the country”.
[12] Except for rare instances when appeals are made to the Office of the President, there are no ways to challenge the rulings that result from the Special Court.
The Constitution also grants defendants the right to be present during the trial with legal representation for punishments exceeding ten years, yet many lack the resources to retain a lawyer and the Eritrean judicial system lacks qualified lawyers who can serve as defense attorneys.
[12] In addition, Eritrea's absence of civil judicial procedures addressing human rights violations by the government contradicts Article 24 of the constitution that allows for this redress for citizens.
Many are military men who form their decision based on conscience and the political values of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF).
[12] Lastly, despite constitutional calls for an independent judiciary, the president of Eritrea continues to intervene in judicial decision-making.
This has the dual effect of providing each administration with ample control over its agricultural capacity and eliminating historical intra-regional conflicts.
[17] Additionally, the Sudanese Government and Eastern Front rebels requested that Eritrea mediate their peace talks in 2006.
As part of an agreement to cease hostilities the two nations agreed to refer the issue to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague.
[21][22][23] Central to the continuation of the stalemate is Ethiopia's failure to abide by the border delimitation ruling and reneging on its commitment to demarcation.
The stalemate has led the President of Eritrea to write his Eleven Letters to the United Nations Security Council, which urges the UN to take action on Ethiopia.
Relations between the two countries is further strained by the continued effort of the Eritrean and Ethiopian leaders in supporting each other's opposition.
The joint statement was also considered to close all chapters regarding the Eritrean–Ethiopian War (1998–2000) and of the following Eritrean–Ethiopian border conflict (2000–2018) with sporadic clashes.
