Eugen Rozvan

[2] He was also a familiar presence at the cultural conferences taking place in Nagyvárad; on one such occasion he met Nora Lemenyi, an early Romanian feminist and socialist, whom he would marry in 1912.

Interned in southern Serbia, and, beginning with the summer of 1915, in Italy, he quickly learnt Italian and started contacts with the local socialist movement, which eventually led to his arrest.

Nevertheless, soon after his return he succeeded in regrouping the workers' and sympathetic peasants in the region of Oradea, organizing a major demonstration in spite of the officially proclaimed martial law.

[7] After the Aster Revolution, he was offered high administrative positions by the National Romanian Party-dominated Directory Council of Transylvania, but refused to join it and gave his support to the far left.

[8] Instead, his brother Ștefan became a National Party local leader, and his politics clashed with those of Eugen Rozvan to the point where, as prefect of Hunedoara County, he organized the repression of the Lupeni Strike of 1929.

[11] With Rozvan's agreement and the consent of other delegates, Flueraș and Iosif Jumanca were expelled following pressures from Grigory Zinoviev and Christian Rakovsky, due to their wartime support for nationalism and objections raised to Comintern guidelines.

On May 6, 1921, he was elected president of the last regional socialist Congress for Tranyslvania and Banat, which he had helped organize, and presented the party's report on the relation with the trade union.

[14] Furthermore, during the debates on the agrarian question, he supported an alliance between peasants and workers in order to finalize the "bourgeois-democratic" phase of the revolution, against the opinion of Cristescu and Elek Köblös, who considered the primary target of the party should be the dictatorship of the proletariat.

[9] The matter remained unsettled, as, in the middle of the discussion, Rozvan and all the PCdR notable members were arrested, being later implicated in the Dealul Spirii Trial (in connection with the violent actions of Max Goldstein).

[15] It was during that time that he became critical of Comintern directives regarding the dissolution of Greater Romania, eventually coming into opposition with the PCdR leadership around Marcel Pauker, who accused him of "right-wing opportunism".

[21] During De-Stalinization in the 1950s, he was rehabilitated inside the Soviet Union; the Romanian Communist regime followed suit only a decade later, in 1968, when Nicolae Ceaușescu used the questioning of previous policies to justify his own grip on power.