Aladar Imre
[2][3] The family had earlier left the Austro-Hungarian ruled Transylvania and moved to Romania in order to escape political persecution, the father dying when Aladar was six years old.
Around 1911-1912, he participated in the political courses offered by the Bucharest socialist club, where militants such as I. C. Frimu, Christian Rakovsky, Dumitru Marinescu, and Mihail Gheorghiu Bujor provided guidance for the young workers.
Hastily organised by the Communist Party of Ukraine (CP(b)U), with almost the total exclusion of the Romanian leadership, the congress fully adopted the points of view of the Comintern.
[7] Aladar Imre was included the praesidium, and requested representatives of both the party's Central Committee (based in Romania) and the exiled political bureau be given deliberative vote.
[10][11] During his stay in the Soviet Union, along with Vitali Holostenco, Elek Köblös, and Ion Heigel, he represented the party at the 6th World Congress of the Comintern in Moscow.
[11] Beginning with April 1928, Imre was also the editor in chief of the short-lived bilingual Romanian-Hungarian newspaper Ferarul (Vasmunkás), the organ of the Unitary trade union of the workers in the chemical, metalworking and petroleum industry.
[14] As the Communist Party, outlawed by the Romanian government in 1924, sought to continue participating in the country's political life, a legal front organisation was set up, the Peasant Workers' Bloc (BMȚ), in order to contest the elections.
[26] His works also highlighted the dedication of Communist Party members,[27] criticized priests as hypocritical internal enemies,[28] and framed the struggle against former exploiters as a noble cause.
[32] He also highlights Imre's satirical contribution to an almanac celebrating the 15th anniversary of the October Revolution, which "evidenced a certain talent for describing the atmosphere with lyrical overtones.
"[23] The likely autobiographical volume O călătorie describes the journey of a clandestine communist through Romania in the aftermath of the Tatarbunary Uprising, with Tărîță noting its auto-ironic undertones.
[31] Ordinea won Imre the first place in the 1933 competition for original plays organized by the People's Commissariat of Education of the MASSR, which included fourteen submissions.
[33][34] The play depicted scenes from the struggles of Romanian workers, led by the PCdR, against the exploitation of the capitalist regime, as well as against social injustice and political discrimination.
Reviewing the play in the 1960s, researcher Haralambie Corbu acknowledged its political significance within its historical context but noted that it was generally a mediocre work, characterized by underdeveloped and lackluster characters.
The play aimed to demonstrate that the destitute condition of the Romanian peasant was not due to individual shortcomings, as suggested by Vlahuță, but rather a consequence of the capitalist system.
[36] In 1934, Moldavian actress V. Dicusar already considered Imre's play Aer curat ("Fresh Air"), along with D. Milev's Două lumi ("Two worlds"), as unsuitable for staging, being "mere illustrative material [...] rich in revolutionary pathos.
[40] Summoned by the Tiraspol Party Committee in December 1933, Imre defended himself by arguing that the editorial office of Octombrie was largely inactive, which had forced him to assume responsibility for the majority of the magazine’s operations.
[38] Following his dismissal, Imre was assigned by the People's Commissariat of Education of the MASSR to work in the Moldavian department of the Theatre Technical School [ru] in Odessa.
He accused them of attempting to establish a "hegemony of Bessarabians," create a base for counter-revolutionary bourgeois elements, and replace the Bolshevik leadership of the MASSR with a "bourgeois-nationalist" one.
[44][45] Imre and Alexandru Dîmbul were further singled out as "nationalist Romanianizers" in a letter sent by the First Secretary of the Moldavian Regional Party Committee to Georgy Malenkov in August 1937.
[46][47] On October 18, 1937, Imre was sentenced to death for "espionage and diversionary activities in favor of Romania" based on evidence gathered by the MASSR border guards.
[1][11][14] Around the same time, the MASSR authorities decided to switch back Moldovan to a Cyrillic-based alphabet, with a February 1938 decision of the regional party committee condemning the Latinization as an attempt by "bourgeois-nationalist elements" to Romanianize the language.
