Women migrant workers from developing countries
Women migrant workers send upwards of $300 billion in remittances to their countries of origin each year,[6][7] often using this money to pay for their families’ basic health, housing and education needs.
[8] On a macroeconomic level, remittances from emigrant workers can account for up to 25% of national gross domestic product,[9] and help these developing countries cope with trade deficits and external debts.
[12] On the other hand, in countries of origin, the emigration of large numbers of women forces other members of the community to shoulder greater domestic work burdens.
[19] Cultural and legal institutions in the region, such as the Kafala system[15] and a lack of labor laws,[22] have caused large proportions of these women migrant workers to be exploited and abused.
[15] Women migrant workers pay large amounts of money to agencies that help them find sponsors, which is deducted from theirs first salaries.
[15] In addition, as a woman migrant worker's legal status is tied to her employer's sponsorship, she often tolerates significant amounts of abuse for fear of deportation.
[27] Employers are able to control almost every aspect of their workers’ lives, and can therefore force their employees to work late or penalize them for poor performance.
[31] Demand for contract labor in the Arab states as well as other Southeast and East Asian countries[31] has led to significant emigration amongst women workers in the Philippines, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Thailand.
[34] Large numbers of Southeast Asian emigrant women pursue domestic and care work, a phenomenon that scholars refer to as "the global nanny chain" or "the international division of reproductive labor".
Some Southeast Asian governments have actively promoted the emigration of women workers, both to reduce unemployment and increase remittances.
Due to the high rates of poverty and unemployment in the continent, many women have had to seek employment or even become the main providers for their families.
In other countries like Singapore, increased women workforce participation rates have driven the demand for migrant domestic workers.
[45] For example, when deciding whether a Romanian migrant domestic worker should be given overtime pay, the Israeli courts asked, “would a mother demand overtime for attending to her children at night?”[45] Similarly, in the UK, laws governing work hour limits, rights to breaks, and night work limits specifically exclude domestic workers.
[14] Widespread sexual, psychological and physical abuse has been reported amongst migrant domestic workers in a range of countries, including Hong Kong,[47] many of the Arab states,[22] and Italy.
[51] Studies conducted in the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Malaysia have shown that migrant women seek employment abroad primarily to help pay for their families’ basic expenses and healthcare needs.
[8][53] Data from the World Bank suggests that even though women migrant workers typically earn less than their male counterparts, their contributions account for half of the $601 billion in formal remittances sent in 2015.
[8] In developing countries such as Nepal, the majority of remittances made by women migrant workers go towards poverty reduction at the household level.
A study of Nepalese women migrant workers showed that 45% of used their remittances exclusively to provide basic needs such as food and healthcare, and schooling for their children.
[56] Despite migrant mothers’ efforts to remain in touch with their children, their interactions are often irregular and “fall short of meaningful exchange”.
[57] Some women migrate in order to escape oppressive gender norms, leaving their home and obtaining increased economic independence and freedom.
[citation needed] Liu, a sociologist who studies gender, sexuality, family and work in China, argues that social roles follow migrant workers in their new environments.
[58] On the other hand, Beneria, a Spanish-American economist, contends that gender roles evolve as women from Latin America leave their families and move to pursue domestic care work in Western Europe.
Even though these men often earn less than their migrant wives, they do not fully renounce their traditional roles as the breadwinners of their families, and are thus able to maintain some of their masculinity.
[12] In many developed countries, such as the United States, aging populations have led to a greater demand for long-term care workers.
[11] As a result, these developed countries are increasingly turning to women migrant workers to meet their elder care needs.
In the United States, 75% of in-home eldercare providers in Los Angeles and 95% of care home operators in Hawaii are Filipina migrant workers.
Examples of maltreatment include: not getting paid, restricted movement, removal of personal identity documents, long shifts, working for a whole week without days-off, sexual exploitation, and poor living conditions with inadequate food, water, and accommodation.
[64] Some Gulf states, such as the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, forbid women migrant workers from engaging in sexual activities.
This includes establishing a human rights standard, timely payment, rest days, medical care, and housing investigation.
[65] Authors Tonya Basok and Nicola Piper discuss the global governance of international migration efforts undertaken by the non-governmental organizations trying to protect the rights of Latin Americans and those from the Caribbean, moving to Europe.
