[6] Similar watershed events would later include the February 1971 Diliman Commune; the August 1971 suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in the wake of the Plaza Miranda bombing; the September 1972 declaration of Martial Law; the 1980 murder of Macli-ing Dulag;[7] the August 1983 assassination of Ninoy Aquino; and eventually, allegations of cheating during the 1986 Snap Elections which led to the non-violent 1986 EDSA Revolution.

[18] The first First Quarter Storm rally held on January 26, 1970, coincided with the State of the Nation Address where Marcos was expected to talk about the 1971 Constitutional Convention.

[20] The "radicals", including a number of labor and student groups associated with the National Democracy movement, wanted broader, more systemic political reforms.

For conceived in greed, born in mischief and nurtured in iniquity, the spirit of wanton capitalism has never failed to bend human institutions to the service of injustice and sin.

[21] The other broad category of student groups who participated in the first quarter storm were those who wanted broader, more systemic political reforms, usually as part of the National Democracy movement.

[22] Groups considered "radical" at the time included:[4] Kabataang Makabayan (KM) is a political organization founded by Jose Maria Sison on November 30, 1964, intended to be a nationwide "extension" of the Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP), which is also an organization of student activists founded by Sison in 1959 that moved towards "academic freedom in the University against the combined machinations of the state and the church.

[14] The media and government officials reminded the public to be polite to the country's visitors and display 'traditional Filipino hospitality,' expecting the KM to stage a demonstration.

On October 24, KM held a demonstration in front of Manila Hotel to protest against American involvement in Vietnam which resulted in a violent dispersal.

Sison highlighted the parallels between the state at current time and the state during the 1896 Philippine Revolution against Spain: If the brilliant students - Dr. Jose Rizal, Emilio Jacinto and Gregorio del Pilar - had merely concentrated on stale academic studies, and pursued successful professional careers and married well - in the accomplished style of Señor Pasta in El Filibusterismo - they would be worthless now to this nation, as worthless [...].

[2] The beginning of what is now known as the "First Quarter Storm" was marked by a demonstration on January 26, 1970, at the opening of the Seventh Congress, during which President Ferdinand Marcos gave his fifth State of the Nation Address (SONA).

[26] He and the First Lady Imelda Marcos were greeted by an agitated crowd that jeered and hurled at them with pebbles, paper balls, and effigies, one resembling a crocodile (a representation of greed) and another a coffin (symbolizing the death of democracy).

They began to move towards Ayala Bridge, with the Philippine flag raised, and decided to march directly to Malacañang and protest in front of Marcos' doorsteps, hearing gunfire as they slowly closed by the Palace.

[29] While this was happening, different student leaders were already in Malacañang having a meeting with Ferdinand Marcos to make the following demands: "the holding of a nonpartisan constitutional convention; the commitment that Marcos, a two-term president, would not suddenly change the rules forbidding a president from seeking a third term; the resignation of the Manila Police District top brass; and the disbandment of paramilitary units in Central Luzon.

Student protesters were steadily driven out of J.P. Laurel and farther down Mendiola, where they built a barricade to stop the riot police and armed soldiers from the Palace.

[33] Reactions in the international media were mixed: Singapore's Eastern Sun wrote that Marcos was right for "taking the hard line" in dealing with the demonstrators while an independent Chinese newspaper in Hong Kong thought otherwise.

Juan Ponce Enrile, who was then Secretary of Justice, recalled in his memoir that at the time of the January 30 Malacañang attack, President Marcos nearly announced Martial Law.

[29] President Marcos suspected that a coup was being arranged against him as none of his generals are present, and he immediately evacuated Imelda and their children to a navy ship in Manila Bay.

After the violence of the Battle of Mendiola, the Movement for a Democratic Philippines (MDP) organized a rally at the Plaza Miranda outside the Quiapo Church on February 12, 1970.

[2] The protesters sat on the streets, climbed trees, and stood on the roofs of low buildings to spend hours listening to speakers discuss and oppose the concepts of imperialism, feudalism, and fascism.

According to reports, this march ended in one-sided battles between gun-toting police riot squads and stone-hurling demonstrators, seems to give people an endless number of reasons[editorializing] to hold mass gatherings of students, farmers, and laborers.

Finding police already positioned at the Embassy when they arrived, and wanting to avoid a confrontation, the activists instead proceeded to Mendiola, where they made bonfires in the middle of the road.

[38] However, numerous protests, including the Diliman Commune and the Movement of Concerned Citizens for Civil Liberties rallies led by Senator Jose W. Diokno continued in the period between the dissipation of the First Quarter Storm and the 1972 declaration of Martial Law.

[6] Similar watershed events would later include the February 1971 Diliman Commune; the August 1971 suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in the wake of the Plaza Miranda bombing; the September 1972 declaration of Martial Law; the 1980 murder of Macli-ing Dulag;[7] the August 1983 assassination of Ninoy Aquino; and eventually, allegations of cheating during the 1986 Snap Elections which led to the non-violent 1986 EDSA Revolution.

[40][41] The demonstrations that took place during the first quarter storm are historically remembered as the first stirrings of the social unrest which would eventually lead to Martial Law - what Petronilo Daroy referred to as "a torrent of mass protest actions against everything that was construed as ‘establishment.’"[21] In an editorial published in Philippine Panorama, Fred Reyes remarked that these bloody demonstrations may be the signs of an upcoming revolution, shying away from 'traditional Filipino values' such as bahala na, pakikisama, and utang na loob that have long hindered radical change.

On that note, Ben Florentino, head of the United Disabled Veterans Association of the Philippines, commented that if the 'young radical activists' had experienced the hardships of war as they had, then they would not be advocating violence.

Furthermore, rather than tedious speeches in the middle of the day, the President would read a loyalty pledge to the Republic and the flag at seven o'clock in the morning, a time when demonstrators against the current regime could be avoided.

These incidents of violence were heightened to bloodshed by the arrival of MetroCom as some groups, such as Kabataang Makabayan, claim that the armed forces attacked the students, who were virtually unarmed.

[32] Since KM was founded under the aspiration of resuming and completing the Philippine Revolution of 1896, now fighting "a new type of colonialism," it sought to inspire nationalism once more in a time wherein it was considered as a dangerous concept.

[22] The organization's positive aspirations, however, are overlooked by due to the negative image of communism, brought about by the news of communist insurgents in other parts of the world and individual actions of KM members themselves, including the dissident movement in Negros, the capture of Leoncio Co and other youths in their alleged involvement in a Stalin university in Tarlak, and the rumored activism of founder Jose Maria Sison, alias Commander Guerrero, in the Huk movement in Central Luzon.

As said by Astorga-Garcia: The KM aims to break this monopoly of power by allying with workers, peasants, progressive intellectuals, professionals and the nationalist bourgeoisie in an effort to arouse and mobilize the masses towards the attainment of national freedom and democracy.